{"id":1604,"date":"2026-01-01T10:40:30","date_gmt":"2026-01-01T10:40:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/?p=1604"},"modified":"2026-01-01T10:40:30","modified_gmt":"2026-01-01T10:40:30","slug":"kurt-sorununda-ontolojik-kopus","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/kurt-sorununda-ontolojik-kopus\/","title":{"rendered":"K\u00fcrt Sorununda Ontolojik Kopu\u015f"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u0130nk\u00e2r\u0131n Devlet Akl\u0131, Anla\u015f\u0131lmayan \u00d6nderlik ve Zihniyet Duvar\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt sorunu \u00fczerine y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde yo\u011fun ve \u00e7e\u015fitlidir, ancak bu \u00e7e\u015fitlilik, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ayn\u0131 zihniyet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde dola\u015f\u0131r. Haklar, anayasa, yerel y\u00f6netimler, g\u00fcvenlik, ter\u00f6r, demokrasi ve birlik s\u00f6ylemleri farkl\u0131 siyasi kamplar taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 tonlarda dillendirilse de, ortak bir zeminde birle\u015fir, K\u00fcrt meselesi siyasal, hukuki ya da y\u00f6netsel bir sorun olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131r. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7eve, sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zmekten \u00e7ok onu y\u00f6netilebilir k\u0131lar. Oysa K\u00fcrt sorunu, bu kategorilerin hi\u00e7birine tam olarak s\u0131\u011fmayan, onlardan \u00e7ok daha derin bir ontolojik k\u0131r\u0131lmaya i\u015faret eder.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu noktada yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken ilk ayr\u0131m, K\u00fcrt meselesinin nas\u0131l y\u00f6netilece\u011fi sorusuyla var olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusunun birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ontolojik sorun, bir halk\u0131n hangi siyasal stat\u00fcye sahip olaca\u011f\u0131yla de\u011fil, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kabul edilip edilmedi\u011fiyle ilgilidir. \u201cK\u00fcrt var m\u0131, yok mu?\u201d sorusu, yaln\u0131zca bir devlet politikas\u0131 sorusu de\u011fil, bir uygarl\u0131k ve zihniyet sorusudur. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt meselesi, \u00f6z\u00fcnde sadece ve sadece bir hukuk ya da siyaset meselesi de\u011fil, bir varl\u0131k\u2013yokluk meselesidir. Kimlik sorunu ise bu ontolojik ink\u00e2r\u0131n siyasal ve toplumsal d\u00fczeyde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imdir. K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131ysa, bunun nedeni K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik d\u00fczeyde reddedilmesidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Burada ontoloji, soyut bir felsefe tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fil, bir halk\u0131n kabul edildi\u011fi, hangi varl\u0131k stat\u00fcs\u00fcnde tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusudur. Ontolojik ink\u00e2r, bir halk\u0131n yaln\u0131zca haklar\u0131n reddedilmesi de\u011fil, tarihinin, dilinin, kolektif haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131n, irade kapasitesinin ve \u00f6zne olma imkan\u0131n\u0131n yok say\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt sorunu, hukuki d\u00fczenlemelerle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilecek bir e\u015fitsizlik, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tan\u0131n\u0131p tan\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair temel bir uygarl\u0131k sorunudur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tam da bu nedenle \u00d6nderli\u011fin K\u00fcrt sorununa yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, mevcut t\u00fcm siyasal ve ideolojik \u00e7er\u00e7evelerle \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00d6nderlik, K\u00fcrt sorununu devletin tan\u0131ma kapasitesine, anayasal d\u00fczenlemelere ya da y\u00f6netsel reformlara indirgemez. O, sorunu tarihsel olarak devletin, uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve iktidar zihniyetinin kurdu\u011fu ink\u00e2r ontolojisi \u00fczerinden okur. Bu okuma, yaln\u0131zca devleti de\u011fil, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, \u015fovenizmi, klasik solu, liberalizmi, erkek egemenli\u011fi ve dinci siyaseti de rahats\u0131z eder. Bu y\u00fczden \u00d6nderlik yaln\u0131zca anla\u015f\u0131lmayan de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda anla\u015f\u0131lmak istenmeyen bir fig\u00fcrd\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu anla\u015f\u0131lmama h\u00e2li, basit bir siyasal yanl\u0131\u015f anlama de\u011fil, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya bir zihniyet savunma refleksidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00d6nderli\u011fin ontolojik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, herkesin \u00fczerine bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 zemini sorgular. T\u00fcrk ulus-devletinin kurulu\u015f felsefesi, homojen bir ulus yaratma hedefi \u00fczerine kuruludur. Bu hedef, yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrtleri de\u011fil, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 eritmeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir. Ancak K\u00fcrtler, co\u011frafi b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckleri, toplumsal haf\u0131zalar\u0131 ve direni\u015f gelenekleri nedeniyle bu eritme politikas\u0131na tam olarak boyun e\u011fmemi\u015ftir. Bu y\u00fczden K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015fundan itibaren yaln\u0131zca bast\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, sistematik bi\u00e7imde yok say\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Dil yasaklar\u0131, isyanlar\u0131n kanla bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, yer isimlerinin de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi, tarih anlat\u0131lar\u0131ndan silinme, \u201cda\u011f T\u00fcrkleri\u201d gibi kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmalar, ink\u00e2r\u0131n ontolojik karakterini g\u00f6sterir. Bu, sadece siyasal bask\u0131 de\u011fil, bir halk\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma giri\u015fimidir. Burada ink\u00e2r, ge\u00e7ici bir g\u00fcvenlik refleksi de\u011fil, s\u00fcreklilik kazanm\u0131\u015f bir varl\u0131k rejimi olarak i\u015fler.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu ink\u00e2r rejimi, yaln\u0131zca milliyet\u00e7i-devlet\u00e7i \u00e7evrelerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir. Farkl\u0131 ideolojik kamplar, farkl\u0131 gerek\u00e7elerle de olsa bu ontolojik k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yeniden \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. \u015eovenist milliyet\u00e7ilik K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcnme tehdidi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, liberal siyaset onu bireysel haklara indirger. Klasik sol, K\u00fcrt sorununu s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisine tabi k\u0131larak tali bir meseleye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. Dinci siyaset, \u00fcmmet s\u00f6ylemiyle K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lar. Erkek egemen zihniyet ise K\u00fcrt kad\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesini bast\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde birbirine kar\u015f\u0131t olan bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, ortak bir noktada birle\u015fir: K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik \u00f6zg\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131mamak.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Daha sorunlu olan ise, \u00d6nderli\u011fi referans ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen kimi siyasal ve entelekt\u00fcel \u00e7evrelerin K\u00fcrt sorununu hak, hukuk ve soyut demokrasi s\u00f6ylemiyle daraltmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu liberal-orta s\u0131n\u0131f bak\u0131\u015f, ontolojik kopu\u015fu reformcu bir talepler listesine indirgerken, \u00d6nderli\u011fin devleti, iktidar\u0131 ve uygarl\u0131k zihniyetini sorgulayan paradigmatik hatt\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lar. B\u00f6ylece \u00d6nderlik, kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131 kadar, ad\u0131na konu\u015ftu\u011funu iddia eden \u00e7evreler taraf\u0131ndan da sistem i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu nedenle ink\u00e2r, yaln\u0131zca devlet kurumlar\u0131nda i\u015fleyen bir mekanizma de\u011fildir. Ontolojik ink\u00e2r, g\u00fcndelik dilde, medya s\u00f6yleminde, \u201cbirlik\u201d, \u201ckarde\u015flik\u201d ve \u201cortak kader\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131nda da s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretilir. K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kimi zaman g\u00fcvenlik tehdidi, kimi zaman geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k, kimi zaman T\u00fcrk\u00e7enin bozulmu\u015f hali, kimi zaman da bireysel haklar d\u00fczeyine indirgenerek g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r. Bu toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretim mekanizmas\u0131, ink\u00e2r\u0131n devletle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmamas\u0131n\u0131, toplumun geni\u015f kesimlerinde i\u00e7selle\u015ftirilmesini sa\u011flar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Tam da bu noktada \u00d6nderli\u011fin pozisyonu belirginle\u015fir. O, K\u00fcrt sorununu ne devletle\u015fme hedefiyle ne de klasik entegrasyon politikalar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klar. K\u00fcrtleri zaten mevcut olan siyasal-toplumsal bir akt\u00f6r olarak kabul eder, ancak bu akt\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tarihsel olarak ink\u00e2r edildi\u011fini vurgular. Dahas\u0131, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca tan\u0131nmayla de\u011fil, irade, \u00f6znele\u015fme, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck ve \u00f6z savunma ile kuruldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, devletin \u201ctan\u0131r\u0131m\u2013tan\u0131mam\u201d ikilemini bo\u015fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcrken, milliyet\u00e7i \u201cdevlet kurma\u201d fantezisini de a\u015far. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada mesele yeni bir egemenlik kurmak de\u011fil, egemenlik mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendisini sorgulamakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6nderli\u011fin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ay\u0131rt edici k\u0131lan temel nokta, K\u00fcrt sorununu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ya da hak sorunu olarak de\u011fil, \u00f6ncelikle bir varl\u0131k sorunu olarak ele almas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tan\u0131nmayan bir halk i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, hak ve demokrasi s\u00f6ylemleri i\u00e7eriksiz kal\u0131r. Bu nedenle \u00d6nderli\u011fi anlamamak ya da anlamak istememek, esasen K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik olarak kabul edilmemesiyle ilgilidir. \u00d6nderli\u011fin paradigmas\u0131, bu noktada yaln\u0131zca devlet akl\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, milliyet\u00e7i, liberal ve reformist t\u00fcm yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 da k\u0131rar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, \u00d6nderli\u011fin K\u00fcrt sorununa yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 tek a\u015famal\u0131 ya da e\u015f zamanl\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm modeli de\u011fildir, ontolojik, hukuki ve siyasal boyutlar\u0131 olan \u00fc\u00e7 ayakl\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. \u0130lk a\u015fama, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve kimli\u011finin ontolojik d\u00fczeyde tan\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu a\u015fama ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeden hukuk, anayasa ve hak tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak devlet merkezli bir tan\u0131ma mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na hapsolur. \u0130kinci a\u015fama, bu ontolojik kabul temelinde K\u00fcrtlerin sisteme \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan hukuki ve anayasal zeminin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc a\u015fama ise, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n demokratik siyaset yoluyla, \u00f6z \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dayal\u0131 bi\u00e7imde bu sistem i\u00e7inde kendini y\u00f6netebilmesidir. Bu \u00fc\u00e7 ayakl\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7 birlikte ele al\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00f6nderli\u011fin y\u00f6ntemi par\u00e7alan\u0131r, ontolojik tan\u0131nma ya ilkel milliyet\u00e7i reflekslerle, \u2018devletten vazge\u00e7i\u015f, stat\u00fcden vazge\u00e7i\u015f\u2019 olarak okunur, ya da liberal orta s\u0131n\u0131f bak\u0131\u015fla hak-talepler listesine indirgenir. Oysa \u00d6nderli\u011fin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, t\u00fcm talepleri ba\u011fr\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131yan, fakat ontolojik tan\u0131nmayla ba\u015flayan b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir y\u00f6ntemdir. Bu y\u00f6ntemi zamansal olarak par\u00e7alayan her okuma, \u00d6nderli\u011fi anlamaktan \u00e7ok onu eksiltir. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130dam Sehpas\u0131ndan \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm Masas\u0131na, Ontolojik K\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n Tarihsel Anlam\u0131<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ontolojik ink\u00e2r\u0131n tarihsel karakteri en \u00e7\u0131plak h\u00e2liyle, modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin K\u00fcrt isyanlar\u0131na verdi\u011fi tepkilerde g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u00d6nderli\u011fin s\u0131k\u00e7a vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 1925\u20131938 aras\u0131 K\u00fcrt isyanlar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n ak\u0131beti, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n modern T\u00fcrkiye tarihinde nas\u0131l konumland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6sterir. \u015eeyh Said\u2019den A\u011fr\u0131\u2019ya, Dersim\u2019den Zilan\u2019a kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn bu tarihsel kopu\u015flarda ortak olan \u015fudur: K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal bir muhatap olarak de\u011fil, ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, isyanlar askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6nderler idam edilmi\u015f, halk ise kitlesel k\u0131y\u0131mlar ve s\u00fcrg\u00fcnlerle susturulmu\u015ftur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, basit bir g\u00fcvenlik politikas\u0131 ya da devlet refleksi olarak okunamaz. Ya\u015fananlar, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik olarak reddedilmesinin devlet eliyle kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Devlet, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca tan\u0131mamakla kalmam\u0131\u015f, onu tarihsel olarak \u201colmamas\u0131 gereken\u201d bir unsur olarak kodlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece ink\u00e2r, ge\u00e7ici bir siyasal tutum olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, s\u00fcreklilik kazanan bir varl\u0131k rejimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu tarihsel arka plan dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00d6nderli\u011fin \u201cBen idam sehpas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm masas\u0131n\u0131 kurdum\u201d vurgusu, s\u0131radan bir siyasal ba\u015far\u0131 anlat\u0131s\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar. Bu ifade, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ontolojik bir k\u0131r\u0131lmaya i\u015faret eder. \u0130nkar\u0131nda ontolojisi vard\u0131r, i\u015fte gelinen d\u00fczey bu inkarc\u0131 ontolojinin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ilk kez K\u00fcrt sorunu, bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir isyan de\u011fil, konu\u015fulmas\u0131, m\u00fczakere edilmesi ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi gereken bir mesele olarak kabul edilmi\u015ftir. Bu kabul, ink\u00e2r\u0131n sona erdi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez, ancak ink\u00e2r\u0131n mutlakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bozuldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye B\u00fcy\u00fck Millet Meclisi b\u00fcnyesinde bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm komisyonunun kurulmas\u0131 ve bu komisyonun \u0130mral\u0131\u2019ya giderek \u00d6nderlikle g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesi, bu a\u00e7\u0131dan sembolik oldu\u011fu kadar tarihsel bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131r. Devlet, ilk kez K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 mutlak yokluk alan\u0131na itmek yerine, onu bir muhatap olarak tan\u0131mak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ad\u0131m, devletin kendi ink\u00e2r ontolojisinde bir \u00e7atlak olu\u015ftu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. Ontolojik ink\u00e2r ilk kez par\u00e7alanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ontolojik olarak kabul edilmesi, m\u00fccadeleyi yeni bir a\u015famaya ta\u015f\u0131r, ancak esas g\u00f6rev ve sorumluluk tam da bu noktada ba\u015flar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir halk\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n, y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ve gelece\u011finin g\u00fcvencesi anayasa ya da sadece kanunlar de\u011fildir. Hukuk, ancak \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir iradenin \u00fczerinde anlam kazanabilir. Ya\u015fam\u0131n ger\u00e7ek g\u00fcvencesi, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendi kendini \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, iradesini s\u00fcreklile\u015ftirmesi ve kendini \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck \u00fczerinden gelece\u011fe ta\u015f\u0131yabilmesidir. \u00d6rg\u00fctlenmeyle desteklenmeyen her tan\u0131nma, ge\u00e7ici ve k\u0131r\u0131lgand\u0131r, kal\u0131c\u0131 olan, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendi ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde durabilme kapasitesidir. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ancak tam da bu noktada i\u015fin en zor a\u015famas\u0131 ba\u015flar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ontolojik ink\u00e2r\u0131n \u00e7atlamas\u0131, otomatik olarak ontolojik kabul anlam\u0131na gelmez. Devletin masaya oturmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na de\u011fil, ink\u00e2r\u0131n art\u0131k eskisi kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemedi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelir. Bu nedenle \u00d6nderli\u011fin \u00e7izdi\u011fi hat, m\u00fczakereyi tek ba\u015f\u0131na bir \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmez. As\u0131l m\u00fccadelenin, ink\u00e2r\u0131n ask\u0131ya al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu e\u015fikten sonra ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgular.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Zor olan, ink\u00e2r\u0131n askeri y\u00f6ntemlerle s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden vazge\u00e7ilmesi de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ontolojik kimli\u011finin ger\u00e7ekten kabul edilmesidir. Bu kabul, yaln\u0131zca hukuki metinlerle ya da anayasal maddelerle sa\u011flanamaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada mesele bir stat\u00fc tan\u0131nmas\u0131 de\u011fil, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n me\u015fruiyetinin kabul edilmesidir. Ontolojik kabul, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7ici bir siyasal tolerans nesnesi de\u011fil, kal\u0131c\u0131 ve me\u015fru bir toplumsal \u00f6zne olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini gerektirir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Hukuk, anayasa ve yasalar K\u00fcrt sorunu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemsiz de\u011fildir, ancak ontolojik tan\u0131nma olmadan bu alanlar \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretmek yerine inkar\u0131n yeni bi\u00e7imlerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Tan\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f bir varl\u0131k i\u00e7in hukuk, \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici de\u011fil, y\u00f6netici ve s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir i\u015fleve sahip olur. K\u00fcrtlerin dili, tarihi, kimli\u011fi ve ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imi ontolojik d\u00fczeyde kabul edilmeden yap\u0131lan her hukuki d\u00fczenleme, klasik devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131ma de\u011fil d\u00fczenleme mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretir. Bu nedenle hukuk, ontolojik kabul\u00fcn sonucu olabilir, onun yerine ikame edilemez. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu nedenle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm masas\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 bir son de\u011fil, bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7t\u0131r. \u0130dam sehpas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm masas\u0131na gelinmi\u015f olmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk kez ontolojik d\u00fczeyde g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr h\u00e2le gelmesidir. Ancak bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na kal\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir, derinle\u015ftirilmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece yeniden ink\u00e2r rejimlerine a\u00e7\u0131k h\u00e2le gelir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ontolojik Kabul\u00fcn \u0130n\u015fas\u0131, \u00d6z \u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, \u00d6z Savunma ve Demokratik Siyaset<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u0130dam sehpas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm masas\u0131na gelinmi\u015f olmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk kez ontolojik d\u00fczeyde g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr h\u00e2le gelmesini ifade eder. Ancak bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na kal\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ontolojik ink\u00e2r\u0131n ask\u0131ya al\u0131nmas\u0131, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. Tam tersine, bu e\u015fik, m\u00fccadelenin en kritik ve en zor a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 noktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ink\u00e2r\u0131n ge\u00e7ici olarak geri \u00e7ekildi\u011fi anlar, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ya kal\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde in\u015fa edilece\u011fi ya da yeniden ink\u00e2r rejimlerine teslim edilece\u011fi tarihsel k\u0131r\u0131lma anlar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu nedenle \u00d6nderli\u011fin \u0131srarla vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel mesele, devletten hak koparmak ya da sistem i\u00e7i d\u00fczenlemelerle yetinmek de\u011fildir. As\u0131l mesele, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendi ontolojik zemini \u00fczerinde yeniden kurmakt\u0131r. Bu yeniden kurulu\u015f, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n d\u0131\u015fsal tan\u0131nmaya ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Varl\u0131k, ancak kendi kendini \u00fcreten, s\u00fcrd\u00fcren ve savunan bir toplumsal iradeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ontolojik g\u00fcvence kazanabilir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu noktada \u00f6z \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, ontolojik m\u00fccadelenin merkezinde yer al\u0131r. \u00d6z \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, yaln\u0131zca siyasal temsil ya da kurumsal yap\u0131lanma meselesi de\u011fildir, toplumsal iradenin s\u00fcreklili\u011fini sa\u011flayan temel mekanizmad\u0131r. \u00d6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz bir varl\u0131k, ge\u00e7ici olarak tan\u0131nsa bile kal\u0131c\u0131 olamaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendini yeniden \u00fcretme kapasitesini ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131r. K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel deneyimi, tan\u0131nman\u0131n de\u011fil, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6z savunma meselesi de bu ba\u011flamda ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Burada kastedilen, dar anlamda askeri bir savunma anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u00d6z savunma, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendini koruma ve s\u00fcreklili\u011fini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alma iradesidir. Tarihsel olarak K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, savunmas\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 her durumda ink\u00e2r ve imha politikalar\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131k h\u00e2le gelmi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle \u00f6z savunma, ontolojik bir zorunluluktur. Demokratik, toplumsal ve siyasal bi\u00e7imlerle kurulan bir \u00f6z savunma hatt\u0131, yaln\u0131zca varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 korumaz, ayn\u0131 zamanda devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir ili\u015fki zeminini de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lar.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilmesi i\u00e7in devletle kurulan ili\u015fkinin niteli\u011fi belirleyicidir. K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, devlete kar\u015f\u0131 ya mutlak d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k ya da tam teslimiyet ikilemine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamaz. Ontolojik kabul, demokratik tarzda ili\u015fkilenme \u00fczerinden geli\u015fir. Bu ili\u015fki, devletin mutlak egemenlik iddias\u0131n\u0131 sorgulayan, ancak toplumu devletsizli\u011fe mahk\u00fbm etmeyen bir \u00e7izgiyi ifade eder. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ulusal-toplumsal iradesi g\u00fc\u00e7lendik\u00e7e, devletle kurulan ili\u015fki de t\u00e2biiyet temelinden \u00e7\u0131kar, m\u00fczakereye dayal\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir zemine oturur.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu nedenle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, bir masa etraf\u0131nda yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerin toplam\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kendi ontolojik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc in\u015fa etmesiyle anlam kazan\u0131r. \u00d6z \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, toplumsal irade, \u00f6z savunma ve demokratik siyasetle derinle\u015ftirilmeyen her g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131lgand\u0131r. As\u0131l m\u00fccadele, ink\u00e2r\u0131n ask\u0131ya al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu e\u015fikten sonra ba\u015flar. \u00d6nderli\u011fin \u0131srarla vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, mesele devletten bir \u015fey koparmak de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendi ontolojik zemini \u00fczerinde yeniden kurmakt\u0131r. Bu ba\u015far\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasal ve toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir nitelik kazanacakt\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Hakk\u0131 Tekin<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u0130nk\u00e2r\u0131n Devlet Akl\u0131, Anla\u015f\u0131lmayan \u00d6nderlik ve Zihniyet Duvar\u0131 K\u00fcrt sorunu \u00fczerine y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde yo\u011fun ve \u00e7e\u015fitlidir, ancak bu \u00e7e\u015fitlilik, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ayn\u0131 zihniyet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde dola\u015f\u0131r. Haklar, anayasa, yerel y\u00f6netimler, g\u00fcvenlik, ter\u00f6r, demokrasi ve birlik s\u00f6ylemleri farkl\u0131 siyasi kamplar taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 tonlarda dillendirilse de, ortak bir zeminde birle\u015fir, K\u00fcrt meselesi siyasal, hukuki …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1605,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[45],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1604","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makale"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1604","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1604"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1604\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1606,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1604\/revisions\/1606"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1605"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1604"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1604"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1604"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}