<\/p>\n
K\u00fcrt akl\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n Tarihsel toplumu kavray\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imimiz, hangi ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fcyle yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131za ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak radikal bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015fir. E\u011fer tarihe yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131f formasyonu \u00fczerinden bakarsak, K\u00fcrtler g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez olur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc klasik s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131\u015fma \u00e7o\u011fu zaman K\u00fcrt toplumu gibi kom\u00fcnal ya\u015fam formlar\u0131nda derinle\u015fmemi\u015ftir ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bak\u0131\u015f tarihsel sosyolojinin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 \u2018ilkel\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00a0Pozitivist tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, do\u011frudan g\u00f6zlemlenebilir, merkezi ve yaz\u0131l\u0131 kay\u0131tlar\u0131 esas ald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, kom\u00fcn, a\u015firet, kabile, konfederasyon gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imlerini marjinalle\u015ftirerek medeniyet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Bu durumda K\u00fcrtler yine g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez kal\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m asl\u0131nda Pierre clastres\u2019in devlete kar\u015f\u0131 toplum tezine i\u015faret etti\u011fi gibi devletli uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendi me\u015frutiyetini kurmak i\u00e7in devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 toplumlar\u0131 eksik-ilkel olarak kodlamas\u0131n\u0131n tipik bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Benzer \u015fekilde marcel maussun arma\u011fan teorisi ve karl polanyinin g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc ekonomi kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131, kom\u00fcnal ili\u015fkilerin arkaik kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 de\u011fil, toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kurucu ilkeleri oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n End\u00fcstriyalist bir tarih kurgusu i\u00e7in do\u011fa, k\u00f6y, kom\u00fcn, geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k ve geli\u015fmemi\u015flikle e\u015fanlaml\u0131d\u0131r, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt toplumu tarihsel ilerlemenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda konumland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Ulus-devlet merkezli bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ise devleti olmayan halklar\u0131 \u201ctarih \u00f6ncesi\u201d bir kategoride de\u011ferlendirir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede K\u00fcrtler, devletle\u015fmemi\u015f bir halk olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in modern tarihin \u00f6znesi olarak kabul edilmezler. Teolojik okumalar bile \u00e7o\u011fu zaman insan\u0131 yaln\u0131zca Tanr\u0131\u2013devlet d\u00fczleminde anlamland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, bireyin, kom\u00fcn\u00fcn ve topluluklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn tarihsel-inan\u00e7sal yarat\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelir.<\/p>\n T\u00fcm bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcrleri, K\u00fcrtlerin tarihsel varolu\u015funu sistemli bi\u00e7imde perdeleyen, onu bast\u0131ran ve g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftiren ideolojik ara\u00e7lard\u0131r. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt tarihini anlaman\u0131n ilk \u015fart\u0131, tarihsel sosyolojinin merkezine kom\u00fcnal toplumu yerle\u015ftirmektir. Kom\u00fcn, yaln\u0131zca \u00fcretim ve payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n de\u011fil, etik, bilgi, varolu\u015fsal, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck ve anlam\u0131n da mek\u00e2n\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m benimsendi\u011finde, K\u00fcrt toplumu tarihin her evresinde yaln\u0131zca \u201cvar\u201d olmakla kalmaz, ayn\u0131 zamanda d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc, direni\u015f\u00e7i ve in\u015fa edici bir \u00f6zne olarak da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca g\u00fcncel bir bilin\u00e7 uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, tarihsel sosyolojik bir s\u00fcreklilik olarak g\u00f6rmek gerekir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131na kaynakl\u0131k eden bu tarihsel sosyoloji formlar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle bat\u0131 sosyal bilimlerin ilkel ya da \u00f6n tarih olarak s\u0131n\u0131fland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131larla kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Tam tersine, bu yap\u0131lar birer arkaik kal\u0131nt\u0131 de\u011fil, kapitalist modernitenin \u00e7\u00f6zmeyi ve disipline etmeyi ba\u015faramad\u0131\u011f\u0131, etik-politik ya\u015fam\u0131n tarihsel-toplum ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r. Klan, kabile, a\u015firet bi\u00e7imleri, birer idari organizasyon olmaktan ziyade birer anlam rejimidir. Yani toplulu\u011fun d\u00fcnyay\u0131 alg\u0131lama, anlamland\u0131rma ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imidir. \u0130\u015fte bu nedenle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, devletsizli\u011fini bir eksiklik de\u011fil, bir alternatif olarak yeniden kurabilir.<\/p>\n \u0130nsanl\u0131k tarihine y\u00f6n veren d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel hatlar yaln\u0131zca bilgi \u00fcretimiyle de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu bilginin hangi ideolojik zeminde, hangi ama\u00e7la ve kim i\u00e7in \u00fcretildi\u011fiyle belirlenir. Bu ba\u011flamda \u201cak\u0131l t\u00fcrleri\u201d \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, yaln\u0131zca epistemolojik bir tart\u0131\u015fma de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal, toplumsal ve etik bir sorgulamad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n belirleyici ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imleri \u2014Alman, Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz ak\u0131llar\u0131\u2014 bir yandan bilimsel devrimlere \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmi\u015f, \u00f6te yandan bu devrimlerin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik, devlet\u00e7ilik, bilimcilik, cinsiyet\u00e7ilik ve milliyet\u00e7ilikle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesine zemin haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Hegel\u2019in \u201cD\u00fcnya Tini\u201d kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, tarihin sonlu bir ere\u011fe do\u011fru ilerledi\u011fi fikrini i\u00e7erir. Bu ilerleme, diyalekti\u011fin \u00f6z\u00fcne dayansa da, Hegel\u2019in sistemi sonunda devletin akl\u0131n en y\u00fcksek kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 olarak y\u00fcceltilmesiyle sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. Bu noktada ak\u0131l, bireyden, kom\u00fcnden ve halktan kopar, mutlak akl\u0131n v\u00fccut buldu\u011fu merkezi devlete y\u00f6nelir. Alman felsefesi b\u00f6ylece, kom\u00fcnal olan\u0131 a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir \u201cdo\u011fal durum\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, disiplinli, hiyerar\u015fik ve militarize bir akl\u0131 kutsar.<\/p>\n Heidegger, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n unutulu\u015funu sorgularken bile, dilin ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ulusal bir \u00f6zle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi gerekti\u011fini savunur. Nazizm\u2019le kurdu\u011fu entelekt\u00fcel fl\u00f6rt, akl\u0131n nas\u0131l ideolojik ayg\u0131tlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilece\u011finin en somut \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Bu ak\u0131l, metafizi\u011fin derinli\u011fine ra\u011fmen, halk\u0131 de\u011fil ulusu, eti\u011fi de\u011fil d\u00fczeni, anlam\u0131 de\u011fil otoriteyi tercih eder.<\/p>\n Descartes\u2019in \u201cCogito\u201dsuyla ba\u015flayan Frans\u0131z akl\u0131, \u00f6zneyi merkeze al\u0131rken, \u00f6zneyi toplumsal ba\u011flam\u0131ndan kopart\u0131r. Comte\u2019un pozitivizmi ise bilgiyi yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6zleme indirger, duygusal, sezgisel, etik bilgi kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015flar. Bu ak\u0131l, sek\u00fclerizmi bir ilerleme bi\u00e7imi olarak sunarken, dini, gelenekseli ve yereli irrasyonel ilan eder. Frans\u0131z akl\u0131 i\u00e7in ilerleme, merkezin \u00e7evreyi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmesi, akl\u0131n kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan t\u00fcm tarihsel bi\u00e7imleri bast\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu ba\u011flamda Ayd\u0131nlanma, sadece bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme hareketi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir akl\u0131n kolonizasyonudur. Frans\u0131z devrimi bireyi ulus-devletin evrensel vatanda\u015f\u0131na indirgerken, \u00e7okluklar\u0131, cemaatleri ve kom\u00fcnleri yok saym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle Frans\u0131z akl\u0131, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde laik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc olsa da, tekilcilik ve merkezcilik \u00fczerinden devleti mutlakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130ngiliz akl\u0131, Locke\u2019un m\u00fclkiyet teorisiyle, Adam Smith\u2019in piyasa d\u00fczeniyle ve Hobbes\u2019un Leviathan devletiyle \u015fekillenir. Burada ak\u0131l, do\u011frudan \u00e7\u0131kar, fayda ve g\u00fcvenlik nosyonlar\u0131yla birle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu pragmatik ak\u0131l, bireyselli\u011fi kutsar, topluluklar\u0131 ise arkaik formlar olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Liberalizmin \u00f6znesi olan birey, kom\u00fcnal haf\u0131zay\u0131 de\u011fil, m\u00fclkiyet hakk\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fc, modern s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin en i\u015flevsel ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendisini evrensel ilan ederken, di\u011fer ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imlerini irrasyonel, geri, duygusal ya da ilkel olarak kodlar. Kad\u0131n\u0131 zay\u0131f duygusall\u0131kla, halk\u0131 ham kalabal\u0131kla, do\u011fay\u0131 ise denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 gereken kaynakla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirir. B\u00f6ylece \u0130ngiliz akl\u0131, hem kapitalizmi hem de patriarkay\u0131 i\u00e7selle\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n Bu \u00fc\u00e7 modern ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fc ortak bir \u00e7izgide birle\u015fir, hepsi devlet akl\u0131na, bilimsel rasyonalizme, patriarkal sistemati\u011fe ve milliyet\u00e7i formasyona dayan\u0131r. Ak\u0131l, ili\u015fkiselikten, anlamsal\u0131ktan, duygudan, etikten ve do\u011fadan kopar\u0131l\u0131r, teknikle\u015fir, ara\u00e7salla\u015f\u0131r, merkezile\u015fir. Kad\u0131n akl\u0131, kom\u00fcnal sezgi, etik ili\u015fkiler ve topluluk haf\u0131zas\u0131 bu yeni \u00e7a\u011fda bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme, jurgen habermas\u0131n ileti\u015fimsel ak\u0131l kavram\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda daha da g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelir. Habermas, modern akl\u0131n ara\u00e7salla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirerek toplumsal akl\u0131n ancak ileti\u015fimsel, yani kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 anla\u015fmaya dayal\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015febilece\u011fini belirtir. Benzer \u015fekilde m\u00fcchel Foucault\u2019un iktidar-bilgi, analizi, modern ak\u0131l t\u00fcrlerinin nas\u0131l bilgi \u00fcretimi \u00fczerinden toplumu disipline etti\u011fini ortaya koyar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir halk\u0131n tarihsel bilinci de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve devlet\u00e7i bilgi rejimlerine kar\u015f\u0131 alternatif bir epistemolojik hatt\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u0130\u015fte bu nedenle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir halk\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme bi\u00e7imi de\u011fil, t\u00fcm bu bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k bi\u00e7imlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bir epistemolojik, varolu\u015fsal, etik ve politik direni\u015f bi\u00e7imidir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131mlanabilmesi i\u00e7in \u00f6nce bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcrlerinin, bilinmesi, anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve te\u015fhir edilmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n Tarih \u00f6ncesi insan\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131, uzun s\u00fcre do\u011fayla i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ve kom\u00fcnal ili\u015fkilere dayal\u0131 olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Ancak bu kom\u00fcnal s\u00fcreklili\u011fin ortas\u0131nda, tarihsel bir k\u0131r\u0131lma ya\u015fand\u0131, \u015fiddetin ara\u00e7sal hale gelmesi ve bu ara\u00e7sall\u0131\u011f\u0131n giderek kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131. Bu k\u0131r\u0131lmay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan ba\u015fl\u0131ca etmen, kastik katil dedi\u011fimiz zihinsel ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel tipin do\u011fu\u015fudur.<\/p>\n Kastik katilin ilk prototipi, hayvan avlama s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Av, yaln\u0131zca hayatta kalma prati\u011fi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir \u015fiddet e\u011fitimidir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te edinilen kesici alet kullan\u0131m\u0131 \u2014b\u0131\u00e7ak, ok, m\u0131zrak\u2014 hem insan\u0131n do\u011faya kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc simgeler hem de i\u00e7selle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir \u015fiddet k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n Avc\u0131lar, toplulu\u011fun ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmesi i\u00e7in bir i\u015flev \u00fcstlense de, zamanla bu i\u015flev, bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131k, ard\u0131ndan bir \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7 bi\u00e7imini al\u0131r. Avlanma prati\u011fi, \u015fiddet yoluyla denetim kurmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenen ilk kast\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlar. Bu kast, \u015fiddetin \u00f6\u011frenilebilirli\u011fini ve tekrar yoluyla denetlenebilirli\u011fini ke\u015ffeder. Art\u0131k avlanma, sadece do\u011faya de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnal halka kar\u015f\u0131 da uygulanabilir bir beceri halini al\u0131r.<\/p>\n G\u00f6beklitepe, yaln\u0131zca bir inan\u00e7 merkezi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda tarih \u00f6ncesi kastik iktidar\u0131n ilk mimari izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Devasa ta\u015flar, hayvan fig\u00fcrleri, \u00e7evrilmi\u015f alanlar, toplulu\u011fun \u00e7evresel-do\u011fal d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcnden kopar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir yeni kutsall\u0131k \u00fcretimine i\u015faret eder. Bu kutsall\u0131k, art\u0131k do\u011fayla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fik de\u011fil, hiyerar\u015fik olarak in\u015fa edilmi\u015f ve \u015fiddetle korunmas\u0131 gereken bir sistemdir.<\/p>\n Burada dikkat \u00e7ekilmesi gereken, G\u00f6beklitepe\u2019nin politik anlam\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yap\u0131, art\u0131k kom\u00fcnal ya\u015fam\u0131n temsilcisi de\u011fil, onu bast\u0131ran, simgesel olarak d\u00fczenleyen, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme de\u011fil, yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya kurulan bir iktidar ili\u015fkisinin ilk \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme hamlesidir. Bu, kastik katilin yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir fig\u00fcr de\u011fil, toplumsal bir form olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi ilk aland\u0131r.<\/p>\n Pierre Clastres\u2019in devletsiz toplumlar\u0131n devlete kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi diren\u00e7 bi\u00e7imlerine dair \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesiyle birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 hale gelir. Clastres, \u015fiddetin kurumla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n topluluklar\u0131n i\u00e7sel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bozdu\u011funu, devletsiz toplumlar\u0131n ise tam tersine \u015fiddeti ve merkezi iktidar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131ran yap\u0131lar geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini vurgular. G\u00f6beklitepenin sembolik d\u00fczeni, tam da bu s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rma mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u015fiddetin kutsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve iktidar\u0131n ilk kez mimari d\u00fczeyde temsil edildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131na i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n G\u00f6bekli tepe, kom\u00fcnal \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclerin hala ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ama eril sembollerin giderek merkezile\u015fti\u015fti\u011fi bir k\u0131r\u0131lma alan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ge\u00e7i\u015f evresinde semboller, yap\u0131lar ve toplumsal rit\u00fceller giderek erkek egemenli\u011fini temsil etmeye ba\u015flar. Tanr\u0131lar eril olur, kutsallar eril olur, y\u00f6neticiler erkekle\u015fir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 yaln\u0131zca bir cinsiyet d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc de\u011fil, zihinsel bir kopu\u015fun ve bast\u0131rman\u0131n ilk kurumla\u015fma a\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r. Kom\u00fcn art\u0131k i\u00e7erden par\u00e7alanmak istenmekte, eril zihniyet kutsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f sembollerle kolektif haf\u0131zaya n\u00fcfus etmektedir.<\/p>\n Ancak bu kastik katil bi\u00e7imi tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc ilerlemedi. G\u00f6beklitepe s\u00fcreciyle e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak, Mezopotamya ve \u00e7evresinde yer alan bir\u00e7ok kom\u00fcnal topluluk, bu yeni \u015fiddet formuna kar\u015f\u0131 kabile ve a\u015firet \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri temelinde politik diren\u00e7 geli\u015ftirdi. Ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan eril \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sistemine kar\u015f\u0131, bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda geli\u015fen politik sistem kabile ve a\u015firet \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi olmu\u015ftur. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler yaln\u0131zca biyolojik de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ahlaki ve politik bir birliktelik bi\u00e7imi ta\u015f\u0131yordu. \u015eiddetin d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ili\u015fkisellik, payla\u015f\u0131m, topluluk akl\u0131 ve ahlaki ekonomi savunuldu.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 ve onun atalar\u0131, bu kabilevi ve konfederal direni\u015f bi\u00e7imlerinde \u00f6nc\u00fc bir rol \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. \u00d6zellikle Zagros-Toros hatt\u0131ndaki direni\u015f k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, \u015fiddetin merkezile\u015fmesine kar\u015f\u0131 kom\u00fcnal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler yoluyla yan\u0131t vermi\u015ftir. Bu politik form, devlet \u00f6ncesi en geli\u015fmi\u015f siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli oldu\u011fu kadar, toplumun kendi i\u00e7sel ve \u00e7evre hareketlenmesi sonucunda olu\u015fan toplumsal tan\u0131mlamarada kaynakl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir. Kom\u00fcnal toplum s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde isimlendirilen klan, kabile ve a\u015firet gibi formlar K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l \u2014ili\u015fkiye dayal\u0131 bilgi, etik davran\u0131\u015f normlar\u0131, duygusal\u2013analitik denge\u2014 giderek bast\u0131r\u0131lmaya ba\u015flan\u0131r. Kastik ak\u0131l, sadece fiziksel de\u011fil, epistemolojik ve etik bir daralmay\u0131 da beraberinde getirir. Art\u0131k do\u011fru bilgi, ili\u015fki ve anlamdan de\u011fil, g\u00fc\u00e7ten ve zorlamadan t\u00fcretilir. Bu, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n erken bast\u0131r\u0131lma evrelerinden biridir.<\/p>\n Toplumsal yar\u0131lma, tam da bu noktada ba\u015flar, Duygusal ak\u0131l, etik ve ortakla\u015fmac\u0131 bir ya\u015fam\u0131 savunurken, analitik ak\u0131l, ara\u00e7sal bir rasyonaliteyle g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezli bir yap\u0131ya evrilir. \u0130\u015fte bu i\u00e7sel yar\u0131lma, ileride daha belirgin s\u0131n\u0131fsal, cinsiyete dayal\u0131 ve kurumsal ayr\u0131mlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecektir. Ama ilk izleri, G\u00f6beklitepe ve benzeri merkezlerde net bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6zlemlenebilir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca etnik ya da co\u011frafi bir ak\u0131l formu olarak de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel olarak bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ama diren\u00e7li bir kom\u00fcnal zihniyetin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi olarak anlamak gerekir. Bu ak\u0131l, ne Yunan akl\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirgenebilir ne de modern Bat\u0131 akl\u0131n\u0131n ara\u00e7sal ve indirgemeci bi\u00e7imlerine. Aksine, kendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir i\u00e7sel tutarl\u0131l\u0131k, ahlaki s\u00fcreklilik ve ili\u015fkisel \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n Kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n ilk temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi, bilginin yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015fsal nesneler \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, ili\u015fkiler \u00fczerinden kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Do\u011fru bilgi, birey ile toplum, insan ile do\u011fa, ge\u00e7mi\u015f ile \u015fimdi aras\u0131ndaki anlaml\u0131 ba\u011flar\u0131n korunmas\u0131yla olu\u015fur. Bu ili\u015fkisel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f bi\u00e7imi, ayn\u0131 zamanda etikle i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir bilgiyi do\u011furur, Bilgi, ancak toplumsal fayda ve ahlaki sorumlulukla de\u011ferlidir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle kom\u00fcnal bilgi, ne ara\u00e7sal ne de tarafs\u0131zd\u0131r \u2014 aksine, toplumsal varolu\u015fun i\u00e7inde anlam kazan\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, Marcel Mauss\u2019un \u2018arma\u011fan ekonomisi\u2019 teorisiyle g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir paralellik ta\u015f\u0131r. Mauss\u2019a g\u00f6re arma\u011fan, yaln\u0131zca ekonomik bir al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal ili\u015fkileri, ba\u011flar\u0131 ve anlam\u0131 yeniden \u00fcreten bir mekanizmad\u0131r. Benzer \u015fekilde Karl Polanyi\u2019nin \u2018g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc ekonomi\u2019 kavram\u0131 da ekonominin toplumsal ili\u015fkilerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n i\u00e7ine g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc bir pratik oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n ili\u015fkisel bilgi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, bu kuramsal \u00e7er\u00e7evelerle birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, modern kapitalist akl\u0131n atomize birey ve piyasa kurgusuna kar\u015f\u0131 tarihsel bir alternatif olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelir. Ayr\u0131ca, Alfred North Whitehead\u2019in s\u00fcre\u00e7 felsefesi, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 statik nesneler de\u011fil, ili\u015fkisel s\u00fcre\u00e7ler \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlar, bu da K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fa-toplum-insan b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma tarz\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarih boyunca varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131rr\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bireysel bilgelikte de\u011fil, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel formda, yani kom\u00fcnal varolu\u015f bi\u00e7iminde yatar. Klan, a\u015firet, cemaat, meclis ve kom\u00fcn gibi yap\u0131lar\u0131n temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi, hem ahlaki de\u011ferleri ta\u015f\u0131malar\u0131 hem de bu de\u011ferleri ya\u015famsal bir pratik olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeleridir.<\/p>\n Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, sadece bir mekanizma de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda anlam \u00fcretme bi\u00e7imidir. Ahlak, bu anlam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7 ruhudur. Bu ba\u011flamda K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bir t\u00fcr ahlaki-\u00f6rg\u00fctsel ak\u0131l olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. Bu ak\u0131l, devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kapsay\u0131c\u0131, modern akl\u0131n so\u011fuk nesnelli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 ise ili\u015fkisel ve s\u0131cak bir bilgi sistemi in\u015fa eder.<\/p>\n Kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l yaln\u0131zca ahlaki de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda duygusal ve analitik bile\u015fenleri dengeleyen bir ak\u0131ld\u0131r. Analitik ak\u0131l, nesnelerle, s\u00fcre\u00e7lerle ve sorun \u00e7\u00f6zmeyle ilgilenirken, duygusal ak\u0131l, ili\u015fkilerle, duyarl\u0131kla ve toplumsal s\u00fcreklilikle ilgilidir. Modern d\u00fcnyada bu iki ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imi sert bi\u00e7imde ayr\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, duygusal olan \u201cirrasyonel\u201d say\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Oysa K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu ayr\u0131m\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman k\u00f6kten benimsememi\u015ftir. Aksine, duygu ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme, sezgi ak\u0131l, etik ve mant\u0131k, ya\u015fam-bilgi hep i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Bu dengenin bozulmas\u0131, sadece bireysel de\u011fil, toplumsal bir yar\u0131lma \u00fcretmi\u015ftir. Devletli uygarl\u0131k, bu ayr\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve duygusal-etik akl\u0131 bast\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu bast\u0131r\u0131lmalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, hi\u00e7bir zaman b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle yitip gitmemi\u015ftir. Tarihin her d\u00f6neminde farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde \u2014dengb\u00eajlikte, topluluk t\u00f6renlerinde, a\u015firet hukukunda, kad\u0131n etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenen etik ya\u015famda\u2014 direngen kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imleri yeniden \u00fcretilebilmi\u015ftir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir haf\u0131za de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel bir direni\u015f formudur.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel seyri i\u00e7erisinde en dramatik kopu\u015f, Uruk-S\u00fcmer uygarl\u0131kla\u015fma s\u00fcrecinde ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, yaln\u0131zca yeni bir \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n, \u015fehir ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n ya da yaz\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda kom\u00fcnal zihniyetin sistematik bi\u00e7imde bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla tan\u0131mlanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu bast\u0131rma, bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal tahakk\u00fcm de\u011fil, daha derin bir zihinsel rejim de\u011fi\u015fimi olarak okunmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Uruk kent devleti \u00f6rne\u011finde kristalize olan bu yeni uygarl\u0131k modeli, \u00fc\u00e7 ana g\u00fcc\u00fcn ittifak\u0131yla \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir, Rahip s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 aristokrasi, ve hanedanl\u0131k yap\u0131s\u0131. Bu \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc yap\u0131, hem ideolojik me\u015fruiyeti hem fiziksel zorlamay\u0131 hem de y\u00f6netsel denetimi elinde tutmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Rahip s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 g\u00f6klerle (tanr\u0131larla), aristokrasi k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7la, hanedan ise soyla me\u015fruiyet kurmu\u015ftur. Bu ittifak, kom\u00fcnal yap\u0131n\u0131n temeline \u2013\u00f6zg\u00fcr irade, topluluk karar\u0131, cinsiyet dengesi ve etik dayan\u0131\u015fma\u2013 do\u011frudan sald\u0131r\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Uruk-S\u00fcmer s\u00fcreciyle birlikte bilgi, art\u0131k halk\u0131n ya\u015fam pratiklerinden de\u011fil, g\u00f6\u011fe \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f mitolojik anlat\u0131lardan ve rahiplerin yorumlar\u0131ndan t\u00fcretilmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bilgi yukar\u0131ya, tanr\u0131ya, karar yukar\u0131ya, krala, kutsall\u0131k yukar\u0131ya, tap\u0131na\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunu toplumsal uyarlama \u015fekli, merkeziyet\u00e7i, hiyerar\u015fik bi\u00e7iminde \u015fekillenmesidir. Bu durum, diyalekti\u011fin donmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir, Art\u0131k toplum kendi i\u00e7inde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnemez, ele\u015ftiremez, \u00fcretemez hale getirilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Henri Lefebvre bu t\u00fcr s\u00fcre\u00e7leri \u2018donmu\u015f diyalektik\u2019 kavram\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re diyalekti\u011fin canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretiminden gelir, ancak devlet\u00e7i uygarl\u0131k, bu \u00e7eli\u015fkileri bast\u0131rarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde bir d\u00fczen, asl\u0131nda ise d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel bir dura\u011fanl\u0131k yarat\u0131r. Benzer bi\u00e7imde Ernst Bloch\u2019un \u2018umut ilkesi\u2019 teorisi, tarihin her d\u00f6neminde bast\u0131r\u0131lan ama kaybolmayan \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n bulundu\u011funu vurgular. Uruk\u2013S\u00fcmer uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda diyalekti\u011fin donmas\u0131, Bloch\u2019un deyi\u015fiyle \u2018hen\u00fcz-olmayan\u2019\u0131n \u00fczerinin \u00f6rt\u00fclmesidir, fakat bu potansiyel, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n ve kom\u00fcnal haf\u0131zan\u0131n i\u00e7inde saklanarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr<\/p>\n B\u00f6ylece sorgulay\u0131c\u0131, ili\u015fkisel, i\u00e7kin bilgi yerine, g\u00f6ksel, buyurgan ve tekil bilgi h\u00e2kim olmu\u015ftur. Bu, hem epistemolojik bir devrimdir hem de politik bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim.<\/p>\n Devlet burada sadece zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fil, bir zihniyet bi\u00e7imi olarak i\u015fler, bast\u0131r\u0131lan art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca bir topluluk de\u011fil, bir haf\u0131za ve onun yap\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten itibaren krallar\u0131n, sava\u015flar\u0131n, \u015fehirlerin ve hanedanlar\u0131n tarihine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Kom\u00fcn ve K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 tarihsel formlar\u0131 klanlar, kabileler, a\u015firetler ve konfedere tarz\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler, bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131r. Sosyal bilimlerde bile, bu t\u00fcr devlet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lar ya ilkel ya da medeniyet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu zihinsel rejim de\u011fi\u015fimi, en sert bi\u00e7imiyle kad\u0131n fig\u00fcr\u00fcnde ve kom\u00fcnal yap\u0131da g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olur. Kad\u0131n, \u00fcretimin, bilgeli\u011fin, do\u011furganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve karar\u0131n merkeziyken, S\u00fcmer uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birlikte tutsakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, ev i\u00e7iyle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, yasal nesneye indirgenir. Kad\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda kom\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kom\u00fcnal etik ile \u015fekillenen topluluk akl\u0131, yerine hiyerar\u015fik ve emir-komuta akl\u0131 al\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Zira K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu kom\u00fcnal ve kad\u0131n merkezli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f bi\u00e7iminin en eski ve en k\u00f6kl\u00fc formlar\u0131ndan biridir. Bast\u0131r\u0131lan yaln\u0131zca kad\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal konumu de\u011fil, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak etik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ama yok edilmemi\u015f bir ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imi olarak \u201corta beyinli\u201d bir formda tutulmu\u015ftur. Ne tamamen devlet akl\u0131na teslim olmu\u015f ne de eski bi\u00e7imiyle varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmi\u015ftir. Bu orta beyinlilik, bir yandan duygusal ve etik y\u00f6nleri korurken, di\u011fer yandan bilimsel-analitik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye ula\u015famama halini de do\u011furmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt toplumunda g\u00f6r\u00fclen sezgisel bilgelik, tarihsel haf\u0131za, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel diren\u00e7 gibi \u00f6zellikler bu bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ama saklanm\u0131\u015f akl\u0131n belirtileridir. Ancak bu ak\u0131l, ancak yeniden ahlaki, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ve analitik bir sentezle kendini in\u015fa edebilecektir.<\/p>\n M.\u00d6. 800-200 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan eksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131, sadece evrensel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sistemlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnalitenin ideolojik olarak yeniden form\u00fcle edilmesidir. Bu sistemlerin ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi, iktidar-devlet de\u011fil, toplulu\u011fu esas almalar\u0131d\u0131r. Eksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli damarlar\u0131ndan biri, Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fc ahlaki felsefesiyle ba\u015flayan, semavi dinler, Sokrates\u2019ci ak\u0131l, Budist ve Konf\u00fc\u00e7y\u00fcs\u00e7\u00fc geleneklerin do\u011fu\u015fudur. Her biri, ilk \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131nda ahlaki-toplumsal adalet \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131yla, mevcut, devlet\u00e7i-iktidar ak\u0131l yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karak toplumun vijdan\u0131nda yank\u0131 bulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca siyasi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda derin bir zihinsel kar\u015f\u0131-devrimle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin tarihi, ayn\u0131 zamanda kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n yeniden filizlenmesini de i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu bak\u0131mdan Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fck, yaln\u0131zca bir inan\u00e7 ya da ahlak sistemi de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n devletli uygarl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u00e7inde yeniden do\u011fu\u015fudur. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, G\u00f6beklitepe sonras\u0131 geli\u015fen kastik katillik, Uruk-S\u00fcmer hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve metafizik rahip-akl\u0131n bask\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir ahlaki-entelekt\u00fcel devrimdir.<\/p>\n Eksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 kavram\u0131n\u0131 ilk kullanan Karl jasperdir. Bu d\u00f6nemde \u00e7in, Hindistan, Mezopotamya, \u0130ran, Yunanistan ve \u0130srail\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel-dinsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul edilir. Karl Jaspers Eksen \u00c7a\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131 (Achsenzeit) insanl\u0131k tarihinde bilin\u00e7teki en k\u00f6kl\u00fc s\u0131\u00e7rama olarak tan\u0131mlar, bu \u00e7a\u011fda birey, ahlak ve evrensel hakikat sorular\u0131yla tan\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma, Bat\u0131-merkezli bir yorumla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Daha sonra Shmuel Eisenstadt \u2018\u00e7oklu moderniteler\u2019 teorisiyle Jaspers\u2019in \u00e7izgisini geni\u015fletmi\u015f, her uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn zihinsel ve toplumsal modernle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu perspektiften bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fck yaln\u0131zca evrensel bir ahlak felsefesi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda Mezopotamya co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcn \u2018modernite\u2019 deneyimidir. Bu da K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n, Bat\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir eksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lar.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00f6nemde kom\u00fcnalitenin ideolojik bir form kazanma s\u00fcrecidir. Bu \u00e7a\u011fda a\u015firet, kabile temelli kom\u00fcnlerden ideoloji temelli kom\u00fcnlere ge\u00e7i\u015f ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, bu s\u00fcrecin peygamberi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar, Med konfederasyonu, bir devlet de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnaliteler federasyonu olarak tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fck, iyilik ile k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, hakikat ile yalan\u0131n, toplumsal bilin\u00e7le \u015fiddet ideolojisinin a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirildi\u011fi bir \u00e7a\u011fd\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k yaln\u0131zca dini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ontolojik ve toplumsal bir diyalektiktir. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, insan akl\u0131n\u0131 tanr\u0131sal olanla bar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak yerine, ahlaki olanla bulu\u015fturmay\u0131 tercih etmi\u015ftir. Akl\u0131 yukar\u0131 de\u011fil, topluma \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Donmu\u015f \u00e7eli\u015fkileri tekrardan topluma \u00e7ekilmi\u015ftir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fck, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n yeniden kom\u00fcnal formda do\u011fu\u015fudur. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 karanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleyen bu ak\u0131l, ilk defa iyilik\u2013k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck \u00e7eli\u015fkisini toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n merkezine koyarak diyalekti\u011fi yeniden i\u015fler hale getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Sokrates, bu kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n Bat\u0131\u2019daki yank\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Sokrates\u2019in felsefesi de Zerd\u00fc\u015fti gelenekte oldu\u011fu gibi, toplumsal ahlak\u0131n ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel cesaretin diyalekti\u011fidir. Ne var ki bu \u00e7izgi, Platon ile birlikte k\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, devletin \u201cidea\u201ds\u0131 felsefenin zirvesine yerle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Platon\u2019un idealar d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ger\u00e7eklik art\u0131k toplumsal ya\u015famda de\u011fil, devletin kutsal d\u00fczenindedir. Sokrates\u2019in sorgulayan ve etik akl\u0131, Platon\u2019da yerini ideal devleti me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran metafizik bir akla b\u0131rak\u0131r. Bu, kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n felsefe yoluyla bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Aristoteles, bu s\u00fcreci bilimle kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Do\u011fay\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flara ay\u0131ran, toplumlar\u0131 hiyerar\u015filere b\u00f6len, kad\u0131n\u0131 pasif ve eksik varl\u0131k sayan bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, devletin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fal ve evrenselmi\u015f gibi sunar. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, Sasanilerde zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devlet dini haline getirerek yeniden b\u00fcrokratikle\u015ftirir. Zerd\u00fc\u015fti etik olan, Sasani siyasal \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n hizmetine sokulur. Kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l, burada hem i\u00e7eri\u011fi bo\u015falt\u0131larak hem bi\u00e7imi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclerek devletle\u015ftirilir.<\/p>\n \u0130slam tarihinde de benzer bir \u00e7izgi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Hz. Muhammed\u2019in ilk d\u00f6nemindeki \u00fcmmet yap\u0131s\u0131, Zerd\u00fc\u015fti ve Sokratik \u00e7izgilerin yeni bir sentezidir, e\u015fitlik\u00e7i, ahlaki, toplumsal bir d\u00fczen \u00f6nerilir. Ancak bu \u00e7izgi, Muaviye ile birlikte saray \u0130slam\u0131na ve iktidar teolojisine evrilir. Akl\u0131n yerine h\u00fck\u00fcm, ahlak\u0131n yerine itaati koyan bu yeni anlay\u0131\u015f, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 kom\u00fcnal \u00f6z\u00fcnden kopararak devletin ideolojik arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. Bu bast\u0131rma, ayn\u0131 zamanda K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarih boyunca \u0130slam i\u00e7indeki \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc damarlarla (\u00f6rne\u011fin Emevi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Ehli Beyt, Alevi, Ehmed\u00ea Xan\u00ee \u00e7izgisi) \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesine neden olur.<\/p>\n R\u00f6nesans, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n bir kez daha uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Kent kom\u00fcnleri, toplumsal e\u015fitlik talepleri ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, akl\u0131 tekrar hayata, topluma ve insana \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Ne var ki bu r\u00f6nesans akl\u0131 da \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden pozitivist ve ara\u00e7sal akla d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Descartes ile ba\u015flayan ve Comte, Smith, Hobbes, Hegel ile kurumsalla\u015fan bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fc, bireyi atomize eder, do\u011fay\u0131 nesnele\u015ftirir, toplumu y\u00f6netilecek bir makineye indirger. B\u00f6ylece kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l bir kez daha bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, bu sefer \u201cbilim\u201d ve \u201crasyonalite\u201d ad\u0131na ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u00dcniversiteler, bu ara\u00e7sal akl\u0131n \u00fcretim merkezleri haline gelirken, devletler onu ideolojik ayg\u0131t olarak kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bat\u0131 akl\u0131n\u0131n kurucu fig\u00fcrleri olan Hegel, Locke, Smith ve Comte, devletin, piyasan\u0131n ve hiyerar\u015finin me\u015fruiyetini \u201cakl\u0131n eseri\u201d olarak sunmu\u015ftur. K\u00fcrtler ise bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7inde kendine yer bulamam\u0131\u015f, kendi toplumsal formunun (kom\u00fcn) dili olmayan bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede ya marjinalle\u015ftirilmi\u015f ya da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmek istenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Zerd\u00fc\u015ft felsefesi, bu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyay\u0131 etkilemi\u015ftir. Sokratik y\u00f6ntem, medya co\u011frafyas\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen kavramlar\u0131n felsefi derinle\u015fmesidir. Budizm, aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 kom\u00fcnal bir ideoloji olarak do\u011fmu\u015f, \u00e7in ve Hindistan da yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Manihaizm, zerd\u00fc\u015fl\u00fck\u00fcn miras\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, fakat aristokratik bask\u0131lar alt\u0131nda tarikatlara par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, i\u015fte bu nedenle bir hat\u0131rlay\u0131\u015f ve yeniden kurulu\u015ftur. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019ten Sokrates\u2019e, Muhammed\u2019in ilk d\u00f6neminden kent kom\u00fcnlerine kadar uzanan \u00e7izgide, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ve bu ak\u0131l, her bast\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n ard\u0131ndan yeniden do\u011fmu\u015f, ama her defas\u0131nda daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir etik derinlikle silahlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Eksen \u00c7a\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kom\u00fcnal direni\u015f potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yan damarlar\u0131, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden kar\u015f\u0131 bir dalgayla bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131 dalga yaln\u0131zca politik ya da asker\u00ee de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda zihinsel d\u00fczlemde bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015ftir. \u0130\u015fte bu s\u00fcrecin merkezinde devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131 yer al\u0131r. Devlet art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fildir, ayn\u0131 zamanda bilgi, ahlak, felsefe, inan\u00e7 ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imi olarak toplumu yeniden kuran bir zihniyet sistemidir.<\/p>\n Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fck, \u00f6z\u00fcnde halk\u00e7\u0131, etik ve adil bir ya\u015fam \u00f6\u011fretisi olarak do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Ancak Sasaniler d\u00f6neminde bu \u00f6\u011freti resm\u00ee ideoloji haline getirilmi\u015f, tanr\u0131\u2013kral inanc\u0131yla harmanlanarak merkezi bir y\u00f6netim ayg\u0131t\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, ahlaki olan\u0131n iktidar nesnesine indirgenmesi s\u00fcrecidir. B\u00f6ylece tanr\u0131lar\u0131n ve dualar\u0131n diliyle konu\u015fan yeni bir \u201cbilge kral\u201d fig\u00fcr\u00fc yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, halk\u0131n zihni ilahi me\u015fruiyetle kontrol edilir hale gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n da devlet\u00e7i zihniyet taraf\u0131ndan ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn i\u00e7inden y\u00fckselen etik ak\u0131l, Sasanilerde resm\u00ee ideolojiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, halk\u0131n kom\u00fcnal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc da\u011f\u0131tacak bir hiyerar\u015fi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece K\u00fcrtlerin tarihsel haf\u0131zas\u0131nda da \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir bilin\u00e7 olu\u015fur, Hem Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u00ee hem de onun devletle\u015ftirilmi\u015f versiyonu olan Sasani miras\u0131 bir aradad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Yunan felsefesi i\u00e7inde de benzer bir \u00e7eli\u015fki vard\u0131r. Sokrates, kom\u00fcnal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin savunucusuydu. Diyalog, ahlaki sorgulama ve halkla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme tarz\u0131 onun temel y\u00f6ntemiydi. Ancak \u00f6\u011frencisi Platon, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi idealist bir Devlet tasar\u0131m\u0131yla yeniden \u015fekillendirmi\u015ftir. \u201cDevlet\u201d (Politeia) adl\u0131 eserinde, toplumun do\u011fu\u015ftan s\u0131n\u0131flara ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini, filozoflar\u0131n kral olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunur. Aristo ise bu fikri do\u011fa yasalar\u0131yla me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rarak, k\u00f6leli\u011fi ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 konumunu \u201cdo\u011fal\u201d sayan bir sistem kurar.<\/p>\n Bu durum, kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n felsefi me\u015fruiyetle bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Devlet, yaln\u0131zca siyasi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ontolojik ve epistemolojik\u00a0 d\u00fczen haline gelerek, y\u00f6neticiler tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r ama devlet tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz noktas\u0131na \u00e7ekilir. B\u00f6ylece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin devletle\u015fmesi, yani devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n felsefi zemine oturtulmas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir.<\/p>\n Max Weber\u2019in \u2018rasyonelle\u015fme\u2019 kavram\u0131 bu s\u00fcreci anlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6nemlidir. Weber\u2019e g\u00f6re modern toplumlarda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, giderek artan bir bi\u00e7imde ara\u00e7sal akl\u0131n, hesaplanabilirli\u011fin ve b\u00fcrokratik d\u00fczenin egemenli\u011fine girer. Ancak bu s\u00fcrecin k\u00f6kleri, Platon ve Aristo\u2019nun devlet\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde, yani toplumsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n do\u011falla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak merkezi iktidara ba\u011flanmas\u0131nda yatmaktad\u0131r. Bu noktada Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin \u2018hegemonya\u2019 kavram\u0131 da a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r, devlet yaln\u0131zca zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fildir, ayn\u0131 zamanda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr alan\u0131nda me\u015fruiyet \u00fcretir. B\u00f6ylece devlet akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca iktidar ili\u015fkilerini de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda hakikat kavram\u0131n\u0131 da belirleyen bir hegemonya d\u00fczenine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, i\u015fte bu hegemonik devlet akl\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan felsefi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u00fczeyde kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/p>\n Hz. Muhammed\u2019in Medine S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi ile kurdu\u011fu \u00e7ok topluluklu, kom\u00fcnal nitelikli sistem, Muaviye ile birlikte saltanat \u0130slam\u0131na evrilir. Burada da benzer bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. hanedanc\u0131 iktidar, dini ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rarak merkeziyet\u00e7i ve hiyerar\u015fik bir hal al\u0131r. Halk\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131, fikir beyan\u0131 ve adalet talebi bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, yerine itaat k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve biat akl\u0131 ikame edilir.<\/p>\n Muaviye d\u00f6nemi, K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 da do\u011frudan etkiler. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u00ee, Maniheist, Mazdek\u00e7i halk gelenekleri bu merkezile\u015fen \u0130slam akl\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda gerilemeye zorlan\u0131r. Bu sadece inan\u00e7lar\u0131n de\u011fil, toplumlar\u0131n kom\u00fcnal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n R\u00f6nesans\u2019la birlikte yeniden do\u011fan kent kom\u00fcnleri, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi geli\u015ftirirken ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni bir bilgi rejiminin de do\u011fu\u015funa tan\u0131kl\u0131k eder. Ancak bu bilgi, pozitivizm ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda yeniden bir iktidar arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Bilim, tarafs\u0131z de\u011fil, devletin, sermayenin ve erkek akl\u0131n\u0131n hizmetindedir.<\/p>\n Hegele g\u00f6re devlet, \u201ctinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme bi\u00e7imidir\u201d. Yani en y\u00fcce ak\u0131l devlettir. Bu felsefe, Alman milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ve otoriterli\u011fini do\u011furur. Descartes\u2019in \u00f6zne\u2013nesne ayr\u0131m\u0131, do\u011fay\u0131 nesnele\u015ftirerek bilimsel s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7ar. Locke ve Adam Smith, m\u00fclkiyeti kutsayarak liberal iktisat akl\u0131n\u0131n kurucusu olur. Comte ise pozitivist hiyerar\u015fiyi \u201cbilimsel din\u201d olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctler.<\/p>\n Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi, kom\u00fcnal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi d\u0131\u015flamalar\u0131, bireyi soyutlamalar\u0131 ve toplumu merkezi otoriteye g\u00f6re yeniden tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece K\u00fcrt akl\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle z\u0131t olan milliyet\u00e7i, cinsiyet\u00e7i, m\u00fclkiyet\u00e7i ve bilimci bir ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fc kurumsalla\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n Modern \u00fcniversite bu devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n laboratuvar\u0131 haline gelir. Akademi, hakikatin de\u011fil, devletin, piyasan\u0131n ve ataerkilli\u011fin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na g\u00f6re bi\u00e7imlenir. Kom\u00fcnal bilgi de\u011fil, uzmanla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f, ideolojik bilgi \u00fcretilir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu sistem d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u201cbilimsiz\u201d ya da \u201cgeli\u015fmemi\u015f\u201d say\u0131l\u0131r. Oysa d\u0131\u015flanma, reddedilmi\u015flik de\u011fil, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve farkl\u0131 bir hakikat rejiminin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n en derin k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, kendi akl\u0131yla ya\u015famamas\u0131, y\u00fczy\u0131llar boyunca ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131yla kendini kurmaya zorlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme, i\u00e7ten eritme yaln\u0131zca bir toprak i\u015fgali de\u011fil, bir zihin i\u015fgalidir. Bu zihin i\u015fgalinin en sinsi bi\u00e7imi ise, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n tarihini kendi tarihi sanmas\u0131, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczenini kendi kaderi sanmas\u0131, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n kavramlar\u0131yla kendi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n silinmesi ve bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 dedi\u011fimiz \u015fey, bu zihinsel bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tarihsel olarak a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 bir halk\u0131n sadece var olu\u015fu de\u011fil, bu varolu\u015fun bilincine varmas\u0131n\u0131n, onu kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 ve yeniden kurmas\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 yaln\u0131zca d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel formasyon de\u011fil, etik, tarihsel sosyoloji, siyasal, ontolojik, epistemolojik, ili\u015fkiselik ve anlamsall\u0131k anlam\u0131nda bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bug\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinden do\u011fmu\u015f bir bilin\u00e7 de\u011fil, on binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k kom\u00fcnal ya\u015fam\u0131n zihinsel ve toplumsal birikimidir. Bu akl\u0131n k\u00f6kleri, \u015fanidarda, Karacada\u011f eteklerinde, zap vadisinde, Toros-zagros kavislerinde, tel halafta, kad\u0131n etraf\u0131nda kurulan ilk klanlarda geli\u015fen seslerde, topra\u011fa k\u00f6k salan ilk topluluklarda gizlidir. K\u00fcrt antropolojisi, yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrtlerin ge\u00e7mi\u015fini de\u011fil, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n insanla\u015fma s\u00fcrecini anlamak i\u00e7in bir anahtard\u0131r. \u0130\u015faret dilinden simgesel dile, klan ya\u015fam\u0131ndan kabile konfederasyonlar\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015f, t\u00fcm bu evreler K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131nda ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 yaln\u0131zca etnik bir bilincin de\u011fil, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilk toplumsal kom\u00fcnal bilincin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. M. \u00d6. 800\u2019lerdeki eksen \u00e7a\u011f, bu kom\u00fcnalitenin ideolojik form kazanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ak\u0131l devlet\u00e7i felsefenin do\u011fu\u015fuyla bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu tarihsel bast\u0131rmalar, kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n siyasal, toplumsal, zihinsel olarak bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n evrensel \u00f6rnekleridir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 bu bast\u0131rmalar\u0131n haf\u0131zas\u0131d\u0131r, hurriler, Subarular, nairiler, Gutiler, kasitler, Medler, Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, mani, Geylani, Mervani, 29 isyan vb hepsi K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel halkalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131n ortak noktas\u0131, kom\u00fcnal de\u011ferleri savunmalar\u0131, ama hep i\u00e7sel anlamda sosyal \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmelerin derin belirleyici etkisi ve d\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6rlerle birle\u015fmesi sonucunda bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fin hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131 de\u011fil, \u015fimdi ve gelece\u011fin yeniden kurulu\u015fudur. Bu ak\u0131l demokratik modernite perspektifiyle \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bir zihniyet devrimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmek zorundad\u0131r. Kurmanc olgusu bu ge\u00e7i\u015fin sosyolojik zeminidir. Kurmanc, kabile d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ama hen\u00fcz ulus olmayan bir halkla\u015fma formudur. Bu form, K\u00fcrtlerin kentle\u015fme, mezheple\u015fme, inan\u00e7 sistemi kurma ve da\u011fl\u0131k co\u011frafyada direnme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin toplam\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, kurmancla\u015fma \u00fczerinden halkla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ama hen\u00fcz kendi \u00f6z y\u00f6netimini kuramam\u0131\u015f bir bilin\u00e7tir. Bu y\u00fczden tarihsel sosyoloji kavram\u0131 kritik \u00f6nemdedir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f de\u011fil kom\u00fcn, \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi de\u011fil ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imi, iktidar de\u011fil topluluk temelinde tarih yazmal\u0131d\u0131r. Tarihsel sosyoloji, K\u00fcrtlerin, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ms\u0131 olmayan ama toplum kurucu ge\u00e7mi\u015fini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lar. Bu y\u00f6ntemle yaz\u0131lan tarih, bir halk\u0131n akl\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n Demokratik ulus bu akl\u0131n siyasal ve toplumsal bi\u00e7imidir. Kabile, a\u015firet, tarikat, inan\u00e7 topluluklar\u0131, etnik \u00e7e\u015fitlilik, s\u0131n\u0131f olgusu, hepsi kom\u00fcnal-topluluk haklar\u0131 temelinde tan\u0131nmal\u0131, konfederal bir yap\u0131 ile demokratik bi\u00e7imde ya\u015famas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6zelde k\u00fcrdistan genelde Ortado\u011fu, Yahudili\u011fin, Hristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, islam\u0131n en kadim co\u011frafyas\u0131ysa, bu zenginli\u011fin ancak demokratik ulus akl\u0131yla ya\u015fanabilece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. K\u00fcrt, fars, Arap, T\u00fcrk, ili\u015fkisinde de bu ak\u0131l zemininde yeniden tan\u0131mlanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ortado\u011fu da hi\u00e7bir b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm K\u00fcrtler olmadan ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Ne persler, ne Sel\u00e7uklular, ne Araplar, nede Osmanl\u0131lar K\u00fcrts\u00fcz bir sistem kuramam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak K\u00fcrtler bu s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde hep en iyi asker, en sa\u011flam yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmu\u015f, ama kendi akl\u0131yla de\u011fil, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131yla ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6ng\u00fc k\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r, her \u00fclkede halklar aras\u0131nda e\u015fit, \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc bir zihinsel-siyasal ittifak gelece\u011fi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131labilir.<\/p>\n Bu vizyon, Cornelius Castoriadis\u2019in \u00f6zy\u00f6netim kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde daha anlaml\u0131 hale gelir. Castoriadis\u2019e g\u00f6re ger\u00e7ek demokrasi, bireylerin ve topluluklar\u0131n kendi kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 yaratma ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme kapasitesinde yatar. Demokratik ulus, tam da bu \u00f6zy\u00f6netim ilkesini kom\u00fcn, meclis ve konfederal yap\u0131lar \u00fczerinden somutla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 zamanda Michael Hardt ve Antonio Negri\u2019nin \u2018\u00e7okluk\u2019 kavram\u0131, demokratik modernitenin \u00e7o\u011fulcu ve yatay \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme mant\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmektedir. \u00c7okluk, ulus-devletin homojen yurtta\u015f kurgusuna kar\u015f\u0131, farkl\u0131 toplumsal \u00f6znelerin ortak ama tekil olmayan bir birlikteli\u011fini ifade eder. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu ba\u011flamda, modern siyaset teorilerinin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zy\u00f6netim ve \u00e7okluk perspektiflerini, Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun tarihsel-kom\u00fcnal zemininde somut bir modele d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n Devlet\u00e7i, dinci, milliyet\u00e7i, cinsiyet\u00e7i ve bilimcilik geli\u015fimiyle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131yla, tarihiyle, kavram\u0131yla ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinmelidir. Bunlar\u0131n Tarihin derinliklerinde bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, kesintilere u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f ama asla yok edilememi\u015f olan K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bug\u00fcn yeniden tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu, yaln\u0131zca bir halk\u0131n uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun t\u00fcm\u00fcne \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck edebilecek bir zihniyet devrimidir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, ne Bat\u0131 modernitesinin bireyci, milliyet\u00e7i, pozitivist akl\u0131na ne de Do\u011fu\u2019nun teokratik, ataerkil ve merkeziyet\u00e7i geleneklerine benzer. O, tarihsel sosyoloji ve siyaset anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayanan, ahlaki-toplumsal akl\u0131n yeniden in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde \u015fekillenen paradigma, esasen bu bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n yeniden diriltilmesidir. Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cxweb\u00fbn\u201d kavram\u0131yla i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u015fey, sadece bireysel fark\u0131ndal\u0131k de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi kolektif akl\u0131n\u0131 yeniden in\u015fa etme iradesidir. Bu irade, ne Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00fcniversalist akl\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6lgesindedir, ne de Do\u011fu\u2019nun geleneksel sadakat d\u00fczeninin i\u00e7indedir.<\/p>\n Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n paradigmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 salt ulusal haklar temelinde konumland\u0131rmaz. O, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 etik, politik, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ve entelekt\u00fcel olarak kendi akl\u0131n\u0131 kuran bir \u00f6zne haline getirir. B\u00f6ylece \u201cK\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 geriye \u00e7ekiyor\u201d ele\u015ftirisinin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ilir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc mesele art\u0131k hak de\u011fil, ak\u0131l ve varolu\u015f meselesidir. Bu anlamda say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n paradigmas\u0131, Alman, Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz ak\u0131llar\u0131na bedel bir K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 in\u015fa etmektedir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n dirili\u015fi, sadece K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in de\u011fil, Ortado\u011fu halklar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu sunar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu co\u011frafyan\u0131n ortak yaras\u0131, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ahlaki-toplumsal akl\u0131n yoklu\u011fudur. Bu bo\u015fluk, ulus-devletler, mezhepsel iktidarlar, erkek egemen sistemler ve piyasa akl\u0131yla doldurulmu\u015ftur. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu zihinsel ku\u015fatmaya kar\u015f\u0131 kolektif, ili\u015fkisel ve etik temelli bir ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden devreye sokar.<\/p>\n Demokratik konfederalizm, halk meclisleri, kom\u00fcnler, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ideolojisi, ekolojik ya\u015fam perspektifi ve \u00e7o\u011fulcu toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, bu yeni akl\u0131n somut bi\u00e7imleridir. Bu model, bir \u201cK\u00fcrt devleti\u201d de\u011fil, bir zihniyet sistemidir. Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun halklar\u0131 bu sistemle, ne Bat\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fine mahk\u00fbm olur ne de eski despotik geleneklere geri d\u00f6ner.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, tarihin bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f halklar\u0131n\u0131n, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f kimliklerin ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortak kom\u00fcnal haf\u0131zas\u0131 ile bulu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu bulu\u015fma, eksen \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda ba\u015flayan, sonra bast\u0131r\u0131lan ahlaki-toplumsal diyalekti\u011fin yeniden toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bunun i\u00e7in gerekli olan \u015fey, zihinsel bir devrimdir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce de\u011fil, ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imi, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ve anlam kurma bi\u00e7imidir. Bu, ne ge\u00e7mi\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ne de modernitenin taklidi, aksine tarihsellik i\u00e7inde yeni bir s\u0131\u00e7ramad\u0131r.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel trajedi, yaln\u0131zca fiziki bir i\u015fgalin de\u011fil, zihinsel bir bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sonucu olarak \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Topra\u011f\u0131n kayb\u0131ndan daha derin olan, hakikatin kayb\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kay\u0131p, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n tarihini kendi tarihi sanmak, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi zannetmek, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131n\u0131 kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi gibi benimsemek \u015feklinde tezah\u00fcr etmi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrtler, uzun bir s\u00fcre boyunca kendi akl\u0131yla de\u011fil, ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sistemleriyle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, sadece bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel asimilasyon de\u011fil, ontolojik bir ink\u00e2rd\u0131r. Bu g\u00fcn \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 alanlarda geli\u015fen \u00f6zel sava\u015f t\u00fcr\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131lar, dogmatik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ele\u015ftiriler, dar milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemler, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131yla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme, kavramsal ezberlerle ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n yan etkileridir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu s\u00f6ylemlerin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel bir bilin\u00e7 de\u011fil, tarihsel, toplumsal, etik ve ontolojik bir dirili\u015ftir. Bu ak\u0131l, anlam\u0131n, ili\u015fkinin, hakikatin ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn i\u00e7kin bir tarzda yeniden in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kom\u00fcnal bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede yeniden anlamland\u0131rma cesaretidir. Kad\u0131n merkezli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel miras\u0131, do\u011fayla kurdu\u011fu uyumlu ili\u015fkiyi, anlam ve etik temelinde in\u015fa etti\u011fi ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imini i\u00e7selle\u015ftiren bir ak\u0131ld\u0131r bu.<\/p>\n Her halk, kendi tarihsel deneyimleriyle bir ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imi kurar. Alman akl\u0131, Hegel ve Heidegger gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerle devlet akl\u0131n\u0131 felsefile\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Hegel devleti \u201cakl\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi\u201d olarak y\u00fcceltirken, Heidegger Alman halk\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131k krizine ontolojik bir zemin aram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Frans\u0131z akl\u0131, Descartes ile rasyonalizme, Comte ile pozitivizme yaslanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130ngiliz akl\u0131 ise Locke ve Hobbes\u2019un pragmatizmine, Adam Smith\u2019in ekonomi politi\u011fine dayan\u0131r. Bu ak\u0131llar, modern kapitalist ulus-devletin ideolojik dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcretmi\u015flerdir. Her biri, s\u0131n\u0131f, iktidar, erkeklik ve do\u011faya tahakk\u00fcm \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Alman, Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz ak\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n ortak noktas\u0131, ili\u015fkiden yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p devlete varmas\u0131d\u0131r. Hegel\u2019in \u201cdevlet akl\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131 bunun en rafine \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re ak\u0131l, kendi en y\u00fcksek formuna devlette ula\u015f\u0131r, yani \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, devlette \u201ca\u015f\u0131l\u0131r\u201d ve \u201cbirlik\u201d sentez sa\u011flan\u0131r. Bu, felsefi dille \u00e7eli\u015fkinin negatifli\u011fini ortadan kald\u0131rma \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z pozitivizmi (Descartes, Comte) toplumu bilimle kodlarken \u00e7eli\u015fkiye yer b\u0131rakmaz. \u0130ngiliz pragmatizmi (Locke, Hobbes, Smith) m\u00fclkiyet ve g\u00fcvenlik \u00fczerinden toplumu tan\u0131mlar, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc devlete ba\u011flar. Yani Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn bu ak\u0131l t\u00fcrleri, sonunda \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc bast\u0131ran devlet akl\u0131na ba\u011flan\u0131r.<\/p>\n Devletin karakteri de budur, \u00c7eli\u015fkileri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek de\u011fil, bast\u0131rmak. Var olu\u015funun ontolojik gerek\u00e7esi budur. Devlet, toplumsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u201ctehlike\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcr, onlar\u0131 dondurur, bast\u0131r\u0131r, tek bi\u00e7imlili\u011fe zorlar. \u00c7eli\u015fkiyi bir \u00fcretkenlik de\u011fil, bir tehdit gibi alg\u0131lar. Bu y\u00fczden devlet akl\u0131, do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi dondurucu ve bast\u0131r\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u00a0ve K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izgisi ise tam tersidir. Say\u0131n \u00d6calan Hegel\u2019in devleti yerine kom\u00fcnal ili\u015fkiden ba\u015flar ve oradan demokratik konfederalizme ula\u015f\u0131r. Yani ili\u015fkiden ba\u015flar demokratik kon federalizmle \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ya\u015fanmas\u0131na ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eder. Burada \u00e7eli\u015fkiler bast\u0131r\u0131lmaz, ya\u015fanarak, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131larak, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ferek toplumun kendini yeniden kurmas\u0131n\u0131n zemini olur. Bu ak\u0131l, devletin bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir etik-politik toplumsall\u0131kla yeniden \u00fcretken hale getirir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 b\u00f6ylece yaln\u0131zca devlete kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n epistemolojisine kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. O, kom\u00fcnal ili\u015fkisel ak\u0131ld\u0131r. \u00c7eli\u015fkiyi sapma de\u011fil, ya\u015fam\u0131n diyalekti\u011fi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. \u00c7eli\u015fkileri bast\u0131rarak de\u011fil, ili\u015fkisel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyle d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek toplumun hakikatini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lar. Bu y\u00fczden say\u0131n \u00d6calan, hegelin devlet formu yerine, kom\u00fcnal sistemle \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc esas al\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu nokta, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n kom\u00fcnle ba\u015flamas\u0131n\u0131n asl\u0131nda \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fine dayal\u0131 bir sistem kurma iradesi oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. Bu, sadece bir y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imi de\u011fil, bir zihniyet bi\u00e7imidir. Devlet akl\u0131, \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi dondurarak \u201csahte bir d\u00fczen\u201d yarat\u0131r, kom\u00fcnal ak\u0131l ise \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek \u201cya\u015fayan bir hakikat\u201d \u00fcretir.<\/p>\n K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 ise bu \u00e7izginin tam kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda konumlan\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131 de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnaldir. Devlet\u00e7i de\u011fil, topluluk\u00e7udur. Cinsiyet\u00e7i de\u011fil, kad\u0131n merkezlidir. Bilimcilik ad\u0131na do\u011fay\u0131 nesnele\u015ftirmez, onunla ili\u015fki kurar. Anlam\u0131 d\u0131\u015farda de\u011fil i\u00e7eride, ili\u015fkide, ya\u015fam\u0131n kendisinde bulur. Bu ak\u0131l, kadim halklar\u0131n kolektif haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131n bir ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Eksen \u00c7a\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fc\u011fe, Sokratik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceden Mani\u2019ye kadar uzanan t\u00fcm etik-toplumsal aray\u0131\u015flar, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel damarlar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu noktada Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kurucu kopu\u015f \u00f6zel bir tarihsel \u00f6nemdedir. K\u00fcrt tarihini s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131yla de\u011fil, kom\u00fcn kavram\u0131yla okumak, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 yerine ili\u015fki tarz\u0131n\u0131 merkeze koymak, iktidar analizleri yerine topluluk ve etik analizlerini geli\u015ftirmek, t\u00fcm bu y\u00f6nleriyle klasik sol ve bat\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden paradigmatik bir kopu\u015fu temsil eder. Say\u0131n \u00d6calan \u00a0sadece siyasal bir \u00f6nder de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel in\u015fac\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu ba\u011flamda, \u201cxweb\u00fbn\u201d kavram\u0131 yaln\u0131zca bireysel fark\u0131ndal\u0131k de\u011fil, tarihsel ve kolektif bir zihinsel devrimdir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, art\u0131k ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n eleman\u0131, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n askeri, ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n ideolojisinin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil, kendi tarihinin, kendi ahlak\u0131n\u0131n, kendi felsefesinin ve kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn kurucu \u00f6znesidir.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ya\u015fanan kriz, sadece siyasi bir kriz de\u011fildir. Bu, ak\u0131l bi\u00e7imlerinin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Devlet\u00e7i, pozitivist, cinsiyet\u00e7i, par\u00e7al\u0131 ak\u0131llar \u00e7\u00f6kmektedir. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda yeni bir etik, politik ve toplumsal ya\u015fam modeli sunmaktad\u0131r. Demokratik modernite, bu akl\u0131n kurucu projesidir. Bu nedenle, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 sadece K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in de\u011fil, Ortado\u011fu halklar\u0131 ve t\u00fcm insanl\u0131k i\u00e7in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir alternatiftir.<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 olarak, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir halk\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haf\u0131zas\u0131n\u0131n yeniden in\u015fas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu ak\u0131l, modern devlet\u00e7i, s\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131, cinsiyet\u00e7i ve pozitivist ak\u0131l t\u00fcrlerinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 epistemolojik kapan\u0131 a\u015fan bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret eder. Tarih boyunca G\u00f6beklitepe\u2019den S\u00fcmer\u2019e, Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fckten Sokrates\u2019e, \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n ilk \u00fcmmet yap\u0131s\u0131ndan R\u00f6nesans kent kom\u00fcnlerine kadar uzanan her bast\u0131rma ve yeniden do\u011fu\u015f, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcreklili\u011fini kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn Say\u0131n \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n paradigmas\u0131yla kavramsalla\u015fan K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca etnik ya da ulusal bir bilin\u00e7 de\u011fildir. O, ili\u015fkisel bilgiye, kom\u00fcnal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye, etik-politik toplumsall\u0131\u011fa dayal\u0131 bir ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, Alman, Frans\u0131z ve \u0130ngiliz ak\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n devlet\u00e7i bast\u0131rmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, Habermas\u2019\u0131n ileti\u015fimsel akl\u0131, Polanyi\u2019nin g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc ekonomisi, Clastres\u2019in devletsiz toplumlar\u0131, Castoriadis\u2019in \u00f6zy\u00f6netimi ve Hardt\u2013Negri\u2019nin \u00e7oklu\u011fu ile evrensel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte konu\u015fabilecek bir kar\u015f\u0131-paradigma geli\u015ftirmektedir.<\/p>\n Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck bilinci de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yeni bir zihniyet devrimidir. \u00c7eli\u015fkileri bast\u0131rmak yerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren, do\u011fay\u0131 nesnele\u015ftirmek yerine ili\u015fkiye katan, toplumu par\u00e7alamak yerine kom\u00fcnal ba\u011flarla yeniden kuran bir ak\u0131ld\u0131r bu. Bat\u0131 modernitesinin ara\u00e7sal rasyonalizmine de, Do\u011fu\u2019nun teokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ili\u011fine de alternatif bir yol olarak belirmektedir.<\/p>\n Bu nedenle, K\u00fcrt akl\u0131 yaln\u0131zca K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in de\u011fil, Ortado\u011fu halklar\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn insanl\u0131k i\u00e7in bir \u00f6n a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Tarih boyunca ertelenmi\u015f, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, unutulmaya zorlanm\u0131\u015f olan kom\u00fcnal akl\u0131n yeniden hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn kriz \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda yeni bir uygarl\u0131k perspektifinin temel ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrt akl\u0131, demokratik moderniteyle birle\u015ferek, \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden korkmayan, onlar\u0131 ya\u015fayan ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren bir hakikat aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ortak gelece\u011fine ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" K\u00fcrt akl\u0131. Tarihsel toplumu kavray\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imimiz, hangi ak\u0131l t\u00fcr\u00fcyle yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131za ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak radikal bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015fir. E\u011fer tarihe yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131f formasyonu \u00fczerinden bakarsak, K\u00fcrtler g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez olur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc klasik s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131\u015fma \u00e7o\u011fu zaman K\u00fcrt toplumu gibi kom\u00fcnal ya\u015fam formlar\u0131nda derinle\u015fmemi\u015ftir ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bak\u0131\u015f tarihsel sosyolojinin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 \u2018ilkel\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00a0Pozitivist tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, do\u011frudan g\u00f6zlemlenebilir, merkezi …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[45],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1581","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-makale"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1581","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1581"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1581\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1583,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1581\/revisions\/1583"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1581"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1581"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1581"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}\n
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