{"id":1474,"date":"2025-06-08T16:51:24","date_gmt":"2025-06-08T16:51:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/?p=1474"},"modified":"2025-06-08T16:53:31","modified_gmt":"2025-06-08T16:53:31","slug":"judenrat-gercegi-ve-somurgeciligin-otesi-kurt-ic-cokusuyle-yuzlesme","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/judenrat-gercegi-ve-somurgeciligin-otesi-kurt-ic-cokusuyle-yuzlesme\/","title":{"rendered":"Judenrat\u00a0 ger\u00e7e\u011fi ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin \u00f6tesi, K\u00fcrt i\u00e7 \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle y\u00fczle\u015fme."},"content":{"rendered":"

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\"R\u00eaber<\/p>\n

HAKKI TEK\u0130N<\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r ink\u00e2r, asimilasyon ve imha politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 direnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Onun yeni y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131, daha inceltilmi\u015f, daha sinsi ama daha kurumsal bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikle K\u00fcrtleri y\u00fczle\u015ftirdi. Bu bask\u0131y\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmak i\u00e7in hep \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik\u201d y\u00f6ntemine ba\u015fvurduk. Elbette bu kavramsal olarak \u00f6nemliydi. Ancak ilerleyen saatlerde hen\u00fcz ba\u015flamamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc f\u0131rsatlar sadece d\u0131\u015fsal bir egemenlik de\u011fil, i\u00e7sel bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmemi\u015fti. Direni\u015f bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131yor, h\u00fccresinin emiliyordu. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131yor, i\u00e7indekiler yeniden bi\u00e7imlendiriliyordu. Tam da burada esnek bir m\u00fcdahaleye ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131. \u0130\u015fte bu m\u00fcdahaleyi \u00d6nder Apo yapt\u0131 ve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n en sars\u0131c\u0131 te\u015fhislerinden birini koydu, Judenratla\u015fma.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Bu kavram ilk bak\u0131\u015fta keskin ve rahats\u0131z edicidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc do\u011frudan Yahudi soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na g\u00f6nderme yapar. Nazi Almanyas\u0131nda Yahudilerin i\u00e7inden se\u00e7ilen \u201ckonseyler\u201d, halk\u0131n kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe kavu\u015fmu\u015f, mal\u0131n\u0131 devretmi\u015f, bazen gaz odalar\u0131na gidecek listeleri haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Hepsinin kendi kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. Ama fiilen imha sistemi i\u00e7erideki ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131yd\u0131. Bu tablo \u00f6rne\u011fi, \u00d6nderlik taraf\u0131ndan K\u00fcrt\u00e7e olu\u015fan yap\u0131sal olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilir hale getirilmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt toplumunun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 engelleme ve imha politikalar\u0131, art\u0131k do\u011frudan devlet b\u00f6lgeleri de\u011fil, i\u00e7eride bulunan temsilciler, s\u00f6zde ayd\u0131nlar, kanaat tavsiyeleri, siyaset\u00e7iler ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel fig\u00fcrler uzat\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Judenratla\u015fma yaln\u0131zca klasik i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi anlatmaz. \u00d6nder APO\u2019ya g\u00f6re bu kavram bir isim ya da konsey de\u011fil, bir zihniyet rejimidir. Yani mesele bir ki\u015finin ne dedi\u011fi, hangi kurumda oldu\u011fu ya da ne giysi giydi\u011fi de\u011fil, halkla nas\u0131l bir ba\u011f kurdu\u011fu, hangi i\u015flevi yerine getirdi\u011fi, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00e7izgisini i\u00e7eriden mi ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoksa onu \u00e7arp\u0131tarak m\u0131 bast\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Judenratl\u0131k, bir bireyin ya da grubun de\u011fil, toplum i\u00e7inde sistemin \u00f6zelliklerini i\u00e7selle\u015ftirmi\u015f, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel, duygusal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ahlaki olarak d\u0131\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fc i\u00e7te temsil eden, niyet ve art niyetine bak\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n ki\u015filik bi\u00e7imlerinin ad\u0131d\u0131r. Bundan dolay\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin bundan sonraki m\u00fccadele anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n en derin ve zorlu a\u015famas\u0131na girdi\u011fini, sadece d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanla de\u011fil,\u00a0 i\u00e7 \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fle y\u00fczle\u015fme s\u00fcreci olarak tan\u0131mlamak gerekir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Judenratl\u0131k bir zihniyet rejimidir, K\u00fcrt ki\u015fili\u011fini bu ger\u00e7eklik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde yeniden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme s\u00fcrecine girece\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdir.<\/p>\n

Eskiden \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ki\u015filik\u201d denince akla d\u0131\u015f g\u00fcce boyun e\u011fen, ezik, kendine yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ikircikli ve iradesiz birey gelirdi. Ama \u00d6nderlik bu \u00e7er\u00e7evenin dar oldu\u011funu ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sadece d\u0131\u015fsal bir tahakk\u00fcm de\u011fil, i\u00e7te \u00fcretilen bir ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imi oldu\u011funu vurgulad\u0131. Judenratl\u0131k tam da bu i\u00e7selle\u015fmi\u015f \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye verilen isimdir. Art\u0131k mesele birini \u201chain\u201d diye damgalamak de\u011fil, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck iddias\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan yap\u0131lar, ki\u015filer ve ili\u015fkilerin nas\u0131l sistemin i\u00e7 temsiline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn bu zihniyet yaln\u0131zca siyasette de\u011fil, k\u00fclt\u00fcrde, akademide, sivil toplumda, sanatta, medyada ve hatta devrim alanlar\u0131nda bile yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Direni\u015fin ad\u0131 var ama \u00f6z\u00fc zay\u0131ft\u0131r. Temsil vard\u0131r ama halkla ba\u011f kopuktur. G\u00fczel konu\u015fan \u00e7oktur ama gerekenin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 azd\u0131r. M\u00fccadelenin \u00f6z\u00fc de\u011fil, \u015fekli, konumu ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kutsan\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte Judenratl\u0131k bu ortamda k\u00f6k salan, sistemin i\u00e7teki diliyle konu\u015fan ama halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck damarlar\u0131n\u0131 kesen yap\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131, kavram\u0131 tarihsel k\u00f6keninden g\u00fcncel K\u00fcrt ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nleriyle ele alan, sadece kavramsal de\u011fil, ideolojik ve toplumsal bir y\u00fczle\u015fmedir. Judenratla\u015fma bir etiket de\u011fil, bir i\u015flev tan\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. Kimlikler de\u011fil, pratikler belirleyicidir. Sorgulama kimin ne dedi\u011fiyle de\u011fil, ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ba\u015flamal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7in en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdit, d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman kadar, i\u00e7teki temsil kisvesiyle ya\u015fanan ideolojik tasfiye bi\u00e7imleridir.<\/p>\n

Judenratl\u0131k sadece bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel konum de\u011fil, zihinsel bir kapanma halidir. \u00d6nder Apo\u2019nun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerine g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt toplumu, uzun s\u00fcredir determinist bir ya\u015fama bi\u00e7imine mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015ftir. Sorun determinizmi bilip bilmeme de\u011fildir, onun davran\u0131\u015f ve ya\u015fam tarz\u0131yla ya\u015fama \u015feklidir. Bu determinizm yaln\u0131zca felsefi d\u00fczeyde de\u011fil, g\u00fcnl\u00fck ya\u015famda da bir edilgenlik, bir bekleyi\u015f, bir kendine yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 isteme hali olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Ki\u015fi iradesini devreye sokmaz, yukar\u0131dan geleni tekrar eder, yukardan bekler i\u00e7selle\u015ftirir ve taklit eder. Bu zihinsel kapanma, Judenratla\u015fma zemininin en verimli topra\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu nedenle Judenrat ki\u015fili\u011fi sadece i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i de\u011fildir, bir zihniyet ve ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imidir. Kendi ad\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyen, yapmayan, risk almayan, ama sistemin ona verdi\u011fi alanda hareket ederek halk ad\u0131na g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ki\u015filiktir. \u00d6nderlik bu yap\u0131y\u0131 tan\u0131mlarken \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczeyli bir zihniyet \u015femas\u0131 sunar, Alt Beyin \u2013 hayatta kalma g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fc, korku, teslimiyet, Orta Beyin \u2013 taklit, aidiyet, g\u00fcce y\u00f6nelme, \u00dcst Beyin \u2013 anlam, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, ahlaki-politik karar. \u00d6nder APO\u2019ya g\u00f6re K\u00fcrt ki\u015fili\u011fi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin etkisiyle genellikle alt ve orta beyin d\u00fczeyinde s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc eylem ve karar kapasitesi yani \u00fcst zihin, ya bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ya da d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden halk\u0131n i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kan ama sistemin s\u00f6ylemiyle konu\u015fan bir\u00e7ok fig\u00fcr, kendi iradesiyle de\u011fil, i\u00e7selle\u015ftirilmi\u015f d\u0131\u015f tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn diliyle hareket eder.<\/p>\n

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Bu nedenle Judenratla\u015fmaya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele sadece \u00f6rg\u00fctsel temizlik de\u011fil, zihinsel devrimdir. Yani mesele yaln\u0131zca \u201ckim hain?\u201d sorusu de\u011fildir. As\u0131l soru \u015fudur, \u201cBen kendi hakikatimle mi ya\u015f\u0131yorum, yoksa bana ezberletilenle mi?\u201d Bu soru olmadan hi\u00e7bir toplumsal dirili\u015f ger\u00e7ek olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131, sadece kavramsal bir tart\u0131\u015fma de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel bir i\u00e7 y\u00fczle\u015fme ve kendin olma y\u00f6n\u00fcd\u00fcr. Judenratl\u0131k bir unvan ve kimlik de\u011fil, bir i\u015flevdir. Kimin neyi temsil etti\u011fi de\u011fil, hangi i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belirleyicidir. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmek istiyorsa, yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanla de\u011fil, i\u00e7teki sahte temsilcilerle de hesapla\u015fmak zorundad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc en sinsi bast\u0131rma, halk\u0131n diliyle, halk\u0131n ad\u0131na, halk\u0131n i\u00e7inden yap\u0131land\u0131r.<\/p>\n

JUDENRAT\u2019IN TAR\u0130HSEL K\u00d6KEN\u0130 VE NAZ\u0130 S\u0130STEM\u0130NDEK\u0130 ROL\u00dc<\/strong><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en karanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemlerinden biri olan Nazi Almanya\u2019s\u0131, yaln\u0131zca fiziksel yok etme de\u011fil, ahlaki ve zihinsel \u00e7\u00f6kertmeyi esas alan bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m rejimi kurdu. Bu rejimin en sars\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar\u0131ndan biri, kurban\u0131 kendi elleriyle bast\u0131ran bir yap\u0131 olu\u015fturmas\u0131yd\u0131, Judenrat.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u201cJudenrat\u201d kelimesi Almanca \u2019da \u201cYahudi Konseyi\u201d anlam\u0131na gelir. 1939\u2019dan itibaren \u00f6zellikle Polonya, Litvanya, Macaristan, Ukrayna gibi i\u015fgal alt\u0131ndaki b\u00f6lgelerde Nazi rejimi taraf\u0131ndan olu\u015fturulan bu konseyler, Yahudi toplumunun i\u00e7inden se\u00e7ilen \u201csayg\u0131n\u201d fig\u00fcrlerden, hahamlar, t\u00fcccarlar, avukatlar, yazarlar, olu\u015fuyordu. Yani rejim, \u201cy\u00f6netim\u201d g\u00f6revini bizzat halka devretmi\u015f gibi yaparak me\u015fruiyet in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Fakat bu me\u015fruiyet halk\u0131n de\u011fil, imhan\u0131n lehine \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Naziler, bu konseyler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, Gettolarda ya\u015fam\u0131 denetim alt\u0131na ald\u0131, Yahudileri sistematik bi\u00e7imde kayda ge\u00e7irdi, Mallar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini devlete devrettirdi, S\u00fcrg\u00fcn ve yok edilme listelerini bizzat konsey \u00fcyelerine haz\u0131rlatt\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Konsey \u00fcyeleri \u00e7o\u011fu zaman, \u201cailemi kurtar\u0131r\u0131m\u201d, \u201cbirka\u00e7 g\u00fcn daha ya\u015far\u0131m\u201d, \u201cdaha az ki\u015fi \u00f6l\u00fcr\u201d gibi duygusal ve trajik gerek\u00e7elerle bu rolleri \u00fcstlendiler. Ama nesnel i\u015flevleri, soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n i\u00e7eriden ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmakt\u0131. \u0130mha politikalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan de\u011fil, i\u00e7eriden, halk\u0131n kendi temsilcileri eliyle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/p>\n

    En travma tik \u00f6rneklerden biri, kurbanlar\u0131n gaz odalar\u0131na g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmeden \u00f6nce, \u201cbanyoya gidiyorsunuz\u201d denilerek kand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu s\u00f6zleri s\u00f6yleyen bizzat Judenrat \u00fcyeleriydi. Yani halk\u0131 hem moral olarak haz\u0131rlayan hem de fizikken y\u00f6nlendiren ki\u015filer, kendi i\u00e7lerinden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f \u201ctemsilcilerdi\u201d.<\/p>\n

    Bu aldatmaca, bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n yaln\u0131zca \u015fiddetle de\u011fil, i\u00e7sel psikolojik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeyle nas\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6sterir. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Judenratlar, Yahudi entelijansiyas\u0131 (ayd\u0131nlar toplulu\u011fu) ve halk\u0131 i\u00e7inde b\u00fcy\u00fck etik tart\u0131\u015fmalara konu oldu. Kimileri bu ki\u015fileri \u201c\u00e7aresiz\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. Ancak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr Hannah Arendt, Raul Hilberg ve Primo Levi gibi isimler Judenratlar\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7ok daha derinlikli tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

    Arendt\u2019e g\u00f6re Judenratlar,<\/p>\n

    \u201cSoyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran, halk\u0131n i\u00e7indeki y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 normalle\u015ftiren ve imha mekanizmas\u0131na ahlaki bir k\u0131l\u0131f giydiren i\u00e7 uzant\u0131lard\u0131.\u201d<\/p>\n

    Yani Judenratl\u0131k, yaln\u0131zca fiziksel de\u011fil, tarihsel ve ahlaki bir kopu\u015ftu. Bu kopu\u015fun sonucu, halk\u0131n direnme refleksini i\u00e7eriden eritmesi oldu. Direni\u015f, d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, i\u00e7erideki \u201ctemsil\u201d maskesiyle bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Bu yap\u0131lar hi\u00e7bir zaman yaln\u0131zca bir \u201ckurul\u201d veya \u201cb\u00fcro\u201d olmad\u0131. Judenrat bir \u00fcnvan de\u011fil, bir i\u015flev, bir zihniyet bi\u00e7imiydi. Bu y\u00fczden zamanla kavram, Nazi d\u00f6neminin \u00f6tesine ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. Bug\u00fcn, halklar\u0131n i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde temsil eden ama \u00f6zde bast\u0131ran t\u00fcm yap\u0131lar i\u00e7in bir te\u015fhis arac\u0131 haline geldi.<\/p>\n

    Judenratla\u015fma, Zihniyet Rejimi Olarak \u0130\u00e7 \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f Bi\u00e7imi<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Judenratl\u0131k, tarihsel olarak bir konseyin ad\u0131yd\u0131 ama anlam\u0131 bundan \u00e7ok daha derin ve yayg\u0131n bir yap\u0131ya i\u015faret eder. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada mesele sadece kimlerin, hangi kurumun ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil, bu i\u015fleyi\u015fin nas\u0131l bir zihniyet rejimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Nazi Almanya\u2019s\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, Judenrat sisteminin en temel i\u015flevi, halk\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eriden kendi ad\u0131na, kendi diliyle ve kendi temsili yetiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesidir. Bu noktada Judenratl\u0131k, yaln\u0131zca bir d\u00f6nemsel olgu de\u011fil, halklara kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilen t\u00fcm modern imha sistemlerinin i\u00e7 i\u015fleyi\u015fini tan\u0131mlayan evrensel bir kavram haline gelir.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u00e7eriden \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctme, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan zorlamaktan \u00e7ok daha etkilidir. D\u0131\u015f bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 halk zamanla tepki verir, direnme refleksi geli\u015fir. Ama i\u00e7eriden gelen \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme sessizdir, sinsidir, kan\u0131ksat\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. Direni\u015f enerjisini t\u00fcketir, umutlar\u0131 kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131r, duygular\u0131 yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirir. D\u0131\u015f s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci \u201cink\u00e2r ederken\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Ama i\u00e7teki Judenrat, \u201ctemsil ediyor gibi\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnerek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn damarlar\u0131n\u0131 keser. Bu nedenle, Judenratla\u015fma bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi de\u011fil, bir i\u00e7 rejimdir. Bir i\u015flevsellik ve konumlan\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imidir. Hatta daha do\u011frusu, bir ruhsal iktidar alan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    K\u00fcrt toplumu \u00f6zelinde bu durum \u00e7ok daha belirgin ve dramatiktir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrtler bir asr\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcredir bast\u0131r\u0131lmakla kalmad\u0131lar, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi i\u00e7lerinden bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131lar. Direni\u015fi temsil etti\u011fini iddia eden yap\u0131lar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 zamanla teslimiyetin, stat\u00fckonun ve sistem i\u00e7i konforun ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 haline geldi. Kimi zaman a\u015firet\u00e7ilikle, kimi zaman aileci siyasetle, kimi zaman ge\u00e7mi\u015f\u00a0 miras\u0131 ad\u0131na, \u00a0kimi zaman siyasi temsille, kimi zaman cemaat ve tarikatlarla, kimi zaman din ve dil karde\u015fli\u011fiyle, kimi zaman ma\u011fduriyetlerle, kimi zaman STK maskesiyle, kimi zaman k\u00fcrtl\u00fck havas\u0131yla, \u00a0kimi zaman ise \u201culusal birlik\u201d sloganlar\u0131yla bu zihniyet yeniden \u00fcretildi. \u00d6zellikle halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck duygusunun en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu anlarda, bu Judenrat zihniyeti harekete ge\u00e7ti. Rol\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, halk\u0131 temsil etmek de\u011fil, halk\u0131 sistemin i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekmek.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn bu i\u00e7 tahakk\u00fcm yap\u0131lar\u0131 sadece siyasette de\u011fil, toplumun her alan\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6stermektedir. Sivil toplumda, sanat d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, spor alan\u0131nda, e\u011fitimde, dijital medyada, akademilerde! Neredeyse her yerde, halk ad\u0131na konu\u015fan ama \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe d\u00fc\u015fman olan bir temsil s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve tabakas\u0131 olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Bu tabakala\u015fmalar, halk\u0131n i\u00e7inden g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr ama \u00f6z\u00fcnde sistemin yeniden \u00fcreticisi olarak i\u015fler. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci d\u00fczenin en etkili arac\u0131 da budur art\u0131k, tankla de\u011fil, duyguyla bast\u0131rmak, copla de\u011fil, temsille y\u00f6netmek, ink\u00e2rla de\u011fil, sahte onurla teslim almak.<\/p>\n

    Bu yap\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l tehlikesi \u015fudur, halk\u0131 halk olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. Kendi tarihsel iradesine yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bir t\u00fcr ruhsuzluk \u00fcretir. Kendi ad\u0131na konu\u015fan, ama halk\u0131n iradesine kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f g\u00f6ren bu yap\u0131lar, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n en temel sorununa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu nedenle, klasik anlamda s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik kavram\u0131 bu s\u00fcreci a\u00e7\u0131klamaya yetmez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u0131\u015fsald\u0131r. Judenratla\u015fma ise i\u00e7seldir. Derin ve kal\u0131c\u0131 bir toplumsal \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye neden olur. Halk\u0131n duygusunu, zihnini, ahlak\u0131n\u0131 ve gelece\u011fe olan ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zehirler.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn her K\u00fcrt bireyinin sormas\u0131 gereken soru \u015fudur, \u201cBen kimin ad\u0131na konu\u015fuyorum ve kimin i\u015fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum?\u201d Bu soru, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckle teslimiyetin, direni\u015fle i\u015fbirli\u011finin, temsil ile tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7izgiyi a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck bir aidiyet meselesi de\u011fil, bir i\u015flev meselesidir. \u201cK\u00fcrd\u00fcm\u201d demek yetmez, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisine hizmet edip etmedi\u011fin belirleyicidir.<\/p>\n

    O halde Judenratla\u015fmayla m\u00fccadele, yaln\u0131zca ideolojik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve de\u011fil, varolu\u015fsal bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131d\u0131r. Kimli\u011fe, pozisyona, \u015fekle de\u011fil, i\u015flevselli\u011fe ve halk ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine g\u00f6re saf tutma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131, yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, i\u00e7teki \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 da bir direni\u015fi zorunlu k\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

    G\u00dcNEY K\u00dcRD\u0130STAN\u2019DA JUDENRATLA\u015eMANIN KURUMSALLA\u015eMASI.<\/strong><\/p>\n

    G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da bug\u00fcn \u201cK\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi\u201d ad\u0131na konu\u015fan yap\u0131lar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, halk\u0131n ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck taleplerini temsil etmekten \u00e7ok uzaktad\u0131r. Barzani ailesi ve \u00e7evresinde kurumsalla\u015fan KDP (K\u00fcrdistan Demokrat Partisi) gelene\u011fi, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta bir halk hareketi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olsa da, zamanla kendi i\u00e7inde evrilmi\u015f, sistemle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f ve sonunda s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00fczeninin i\u00e7erideki ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu yap\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir siyasal ak\u0131m de\u011fil, bir zihniyet rejimidir. Ve i\u015flevi tam anlam\u0131yla judenratla\u015fma bi\u00e7imindedir.<\/p>\n

    Barzani ailesinin son y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki rol\u00fc, art\u0131k klasik anlamda bir i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i de\u011fil, judenratla\u015fman\u0131n Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki K\u00fcrt aya\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 Nazi Almanya\u2019s\u0131nda Yahudi halk\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inden se\u00e7ilen Judenrat konseylerinin, kendi halklar\u0131n\u0131 daha az ac\u0131 \u00e7ektirmek ad\u0131na sistemin imha mekanizmas\u0131na etmeleri gibi, Barzani \u00e7izgisi de K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n en diri, en \u00f6nc\u00fc damarlar\u0131n\u0131 diplomasi, denge, stat\u00fc ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda sistemin \u00f6n\u00fcne vermi\u015ftir. Kendisine \u015f\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6rev verilmi\u015ftir, \u2018ailen ya\u015fayacak, ama bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fclerini ya i\u00e7eride eritecek, ya da eritilemiyorsa tasfiye edeceksin\u2019 bu g\u00f6rev bu g\u00fcne dek say\u0131s\u0131z K\u00fcrt yurtseverleri, \u00f6nderleri komployla, kazayla, i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmayla ortadan kald\u0131rmas\u0131yla yerine getirildi.<\/p>\n

    Barzani ailesi PKK\u2019ye ve \u00d6nder APO\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 ise bu i\u015flevi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiremedi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu \u00e7izgi, Judenratl\u0131k mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 de\u015fifre etti, rol\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131 ve sistemin onu kullanmas\u0131na izin vermedi. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrk devletinin G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan da\u011flar\u0131na 30 y\u0131ld\u0131r yerle\u015febilmesinin, PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 sava\u015f y\u00fcr\u00fctebilmesinin zemini, bu zihniyetin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 diplomatik ve lojistik kap\u0131lard\u0131r. Barzani ailesi, T\u00fcrk devletiyle stratejik i\u015fbirlikleri, s\u0131n\u0131r kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, da\u011flar\u0131n bombalanmas\u0131, kandilin ku\u015fatt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 hep bu i\u015flevselli\u011fin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Judenratla\u015fma art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca bir zihniyet de\u011fil, stratejik bir operasyon bi\u00e7imidir.<\/p>\n

    Barzani ailesi ve uzant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izgisi, yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u00e7makla kalm\u0131yor, d\u00fcnya kamuoyuna \u2018kuzeylidirler, burada ne i\u015fleri var\u2019 alg\u0131s\u0131yla toplumlar\u0131 hem y\u00f6nlendiriyor hem de \u00a0katliam\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. K\u00fcrt toplumunu ise, \u2018stat\u00fc geliyor, sabredin\u2019 diyerek teslimiyet psikolojisine sokuyor. Bu hem fiziksel hem de zihinsel bir gaz odas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015fin en trajik yan\u0131 ise, \u00d6nderlik T\u00fcrk devletiyle e\u015fit iradeye dayal\u0131 onurlu \u00a0bir bar\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu zihniyetin t\u00fcm yap\u0131lar\u0131, sosyal medya trolleri halk\u0131 kand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in seferber olmakta, bar\u0131\u015f isteyen \u00d6nderli\u011fi \u201cteslimiyet\u00e7i\u201d, Barzani \u00e7izgisini ise \u201cdireni\u015f\u00e7i\u201d \u00a0ABD- \u0130srail varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ise, kurtar\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca politik bir \u00e7arp\u0131tma de\u011fil, toplumsal bilin\u00e7te bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme, ahlaki bir fel\u00e7 halidir. \u00d6yle ki, buna inananlar bile var. Belki de bu y\u00fczden, Judenratla\u015fmay\u0131 anlamadan ne K\u00fcrt \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorununu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilir, ne K\u00fcrt sosyolojisi anla\u015f\u0131labilir, ne de bug\u00fcn ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tarihsel \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeyi.<\/p>\n

    Barzanicilik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini sahipleniyor g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr, ama bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi, devletler aras\u0131 diplomasiye, petrol anla\u015fmalar\u0131na ve ailevi iktidara tahvil eder. Halk\u0131n tarihsel direni\u015f miras\u0131n\u0131 konu\u015fur ama bu miras\u0131 sistemin i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131r. PKK\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k, yaln\u0131zca bir ideolojik farkl\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fildir. Bu d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge d\u00fczeninin i\u015fleyi\u015fine \u00e7omak sokan her g\u00fcce kar\u015f\u0131 refleks haline gelmi\u015ftir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc PKK, halk\u0131n taban\u0131na, direni\u015f damar\u0131na, kad\u0131nlara ve gen\u00e7li\u011fe seslenir, oysa Barzanici yap\u0131lar, (d\u00f6rt par\u00e7a k\u00fcrdistanda var) halk\u0131 temsil de\u011fil y\u00f6nlendirme makam\u0131nda g\u00f6rmek ister.<\/p>\n

    En tehlikeli olan da budur, halk\u0131n ad\u0131na konu\u015fmak ama halk\u0131n ruhuna d\u00fc\u015fman olmak. Barzanicili\u011fin bug\u00fcn geldi\u011fi yer budur. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci d\u00fczenin g\u00fcvenlik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layan, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin askeri operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131ran, halk\u0131 PKK\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtan ama bunu \u201cK\u00fcrdistan\u201d ad\u0131na, yurtseverlik ad\u0131na\u00a0 yapan bir yap\u0131. Bu klasik i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilikten farkl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci g\u00fc\u00e7 konu\u015fmuyor, K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fan, K\u00fcrt giysileri giyen ama T\u00fcrk devletinin politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan Judenrat \u00a0konseyi konu\u015fuyor.<\/p>\n

    G\u00fcney\u2019de kurulan bu yap\u0131, yaln\u0131zca siyasi alan\u0131 de\u011fil, ticareti, medyay\u0131, e\u011fitimi, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, sporu ve hatta dini kontrol alt\u0131nda tutmaktad\u0131r. Halk\u0131n direni\u015f duygusu, se\u00e7imlerde, parti mitinglerinde ya da mezhepsel kutlamalarda sistem i\u00e7i bir rit\u00fcele d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir. Halk\u0131 k\u00fcrtl\u00fck, yurtseverlik ad\u0131na, fiziki ve moralmen haz\u0131rlay\u0131p\u00a0 gaz odalar\u0131n\u0131\u2019n\u0131n\u00a0 izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc olan sistem i\u00e7ile\u015fme potas\u0131nda eriten Judenrat rol\u00fc oynatmaktad\u0131r.\u00a0 Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ailecilik h\u00e2l\u00e2 ana \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi olarak korunmakta, kad\u0131n ve gen\u00e7lik ise b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. \u00a0Judenratla\u015fma art\u0131k zihinsel de\u011fil, sosyolojik bir forma b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    Barzanicilikte \u201cbirka\u00e7 g\u00fcn daha ya\u015famak\u201d, \u201chalk\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in devletlerle anla\u015fmak\u201d, \u201creel politika gere\u011fi uzla\u015fmak\u201d gibi gerek\u00e7eler, t\u0131pk\u0131 Nazi d\u00f6nemindeki Judenrat \u00fcyelerinin kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerek\u00e7elere benzer \u015fekilde i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Ama nihayetinde bu politikalar, halk\u0131 bast\u0131r\u0131r, m\u00fccadeleyi zay\u0131flat\u0131r ve sistemi i\u00e7eriden tahkim eder. En sars\u0131c\u0131 olan, halk\u0131n bu yap\u0131ya h\u00e2l\u00e2 b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k duymas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yap\u0131 halk\u0131n dilini, sembollerini, tarihini, k\u0131yafetlerini \u00a0ve ac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 kendi me\u015fruiyeti i\u00e7in kullanmaktad\u0131r. Tam da bu noktada ahlaki-politik toplum \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn Judenratla\u015fma konseyleri gibi G\u00fcney\u2019deki bir\u00e7ok medya kurulu\u015fu, e\u011fitim kurumu, cami k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fc, TV ekran\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr kurumu, halk\u0131 direni\u015ften uzakla\u015ft\u0131ran, sorgulamay\u0131 unutturan, ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 aile sadakatine \u00e7eviren bir i\u015flev g\u00f6rmektedir. Direni\u015fin dili, aidiyetin diliyle de\u011fi\u015ftirilmektedir. Faik Bucak gibi, Sait K\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 Toprak gibi yurtseverlerin sesi susturulmu\u015f, yerlerine petrol bakanlar\u0131, diplomatlar ve neoliberal elitler ge\u00e7irilmi\u015ftir. Bu, Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca bir zihniyet de\u011fil, bir rejim halini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n

    Bu nedenle G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc direni\u015f sadece T\u00fcrk askerine ya da Ba\u011fdat y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, Barzanici aile \u00a0tahakk\u00fcm rejimine, onun i\u00e7teki \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc etkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 da verilmelidir. Halk\u0131n kendi i\u00e7indeki bu sahte temsile kar\u015f\u0131 aya\u011fa kalkmas\u0131, ger\u00e7ek direni\u015fin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan dayat\u0131lan zincirin k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla de\u011fil, i\u00e7erideki sahte anahtarlar\u0131n at\u0131lmas\u0131yla ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n

    KUZEY K\u00dcRD\u0130STAN\u2019DA JUDENRATLA\u015eMA R\u0130SK\u0130, TEMS\u0130L\u0130YET, SINIRLILIK VE \u0130DEOLOJ\u0130K BULANIKLIK<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Kuzey K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da halk\u0131n tarihsel direni\u015fi, hem silahl\u0131 hem de demokratik zeminde a\u011f\u0131r bedellerle in\u015fa edildi. 1990\u2019lardan itibaren geli\u015fen legal siyaset hatt\u0131, halk\u0131n iradesini Meclis\u2019e ta\u015f\u0131ma, ulusal kimli\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lma ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yollar\u0131n\u0131 demokratik kanallardan arama iradesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. HDP \u00e7izgisi, bu tarihsel halk hareketinin \u00f6nemli bir uzant\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n yurtsever-demokrat de\u011ferleriyle yo\u011frulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

    Ancak bu kurumsal \u00e7er\u00e7evenin i\u00e7inde zamanla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan e\u011filimler ve y\u00f6nelimler, temsil g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc zay\u0131flatan, halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck talebini sistem i\u00e7i normlara \u00e7eken ve direni\u015f dilini gev\u015feten bir e\u011filimi de beraberinde getirmi\u015ftir. Burada ele\u015ftirilmesi gereken HDP\u2019nin kendisi de\u011fil, bu \u00e7at\u0131 alt\u0131nda geli\u015fen ideolojik bulan\u0131kl\u0131k, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten kopuk bireysel pozisyonlar ve temsilin halk\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7mesi gibi sorunlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Legal siyasetin do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi devletin tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlarla \u00e7evrili olmas\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ektir. Bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde verilen m\u00fccadele de\u011ferlidir. Ancak zamanla baz\u0131 e\u011filimler bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n \u00f6tesini zorlamak yerine, bu s\u0131n\u0131rlarda konfor bulan, ele\u015ftirisiz, halktan kopuk, pasif temsil pratikleri \u00fcretmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu da halk\u0131n beklentisini i\u00e7e \u00e7eken, enerjisini zay\u0131flatan bir etki yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6zellikle halk\u0131n \u00f6z savunma hakk\u0131, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisi, radikal demokrasi gibi temel ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131n baz\u0131 \u00e7evrelerde g\u00fcndem d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, temsilin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckle kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn HDP \u00e7evresinde \u00e7ok say\u0131da yurtsever, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc ve bedel \u00f6demi\u015f insan bulunmakla birlikte, ayn\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131 alt\u0131nda halktan kopmu\u015f, temsiliyeti ki\u015fisel stat\u00fcye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisinden uzak bireylerin de etkili olmas\u0131, ciddi bir \u00e7eli\u015fki yaratmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki, Judenratla\u015fma kavram\u0131yla bire bir \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmese de, onun zihniyet bi\u00e7imini \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran bir i\u00e7 pasifizasyon e\u011filimini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Yani halk\u0131n enerjisini i\u00e7eride d\u00fczenleyen, d\u0131\u015fa de\u011fil i\u00e7e kanalize eden bir y\u00f6nelim. Bu durum, temsilin sahici direni\u015fin yerine ge\u00e7mesine, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin soyut, ertelenmi\u015f ve profesyonel bir dile s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na neden olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu nedenle burada yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken, kurumu de\u011fil, kurumun i\u00e7inde geli\u015fen, bunu sistemi\u00e7ile\u015ftiren, \u00a0halktan uzak, stat\u00fcye yak\u0131n, sistem i\u00e7i y\u00f6nelimleri ay\u0131klamak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisiyle netle\u015ftirmektir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc legal m\u00fccadele de\u011ferli oldu\u011fu kadar, i\u00e7 \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fe de a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7menin yolu, her alanda oldu\u011fu gibi burada da ideolojik netlik, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u00f6z ele\u015ftiri ve halkla ba\u011f\u0131n sahile\u015ftirilmesidir.<\/p>\n

    AVRUPA D\u0130ASPORASINDA JUDENRATLA\u015eMANIN YUMU\u015eAK Y\u00dcZ\u00dc<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Avrupa\u2019da ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrt toplumu, uzun y\u0131llard\u0131r hem politik s\u00fcrg\u00fcnlerin hem de ekonomik g\u00f6\u00e7lerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u00e7ok kapsaml\u0131 bir halk ger\u00e7e\u011fidir. Bu topluluk, 1980\u2019lerden itibaren T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131ndan ka\u00e7an ayd\u0131nlar, sanat\u00e7\u0131lar, devrimciler ve yurtseverler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ciddi bir direni\u015f haf\u0131zas\u0131 geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Avrupa\u2019daki meydanlar, salonlar, s\u0131\u011f\u0131nma kamplar\u0131 ve mahkeme koridorlar\u0131 bir d\u00f6nem K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n mek\u00e2nlar\u0131 olmu\u015ftu. Ancak zamanla bu alanda da derin bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ya\u015fand\u0131, Direni\u015fin dili yerini temsili yete, halk\u0131n siyaseti yerini diplomatik stat\u00fc aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel dayan\u0131\u015fma ise yerini bireysel g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7abas\u0131na b\u0131rakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn Avrupa K\u00fcrt diasporas\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7evrelerde ve baz\u0131 siyasal temsil alanlar\u0131nda halktan kopuk, sistemle uyumlu, m\u00fccadeleyi ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131kar ya da prestij d\u00fczeyinde s\u00fcrd\u00fcren ciddi bir kesim olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Bu kesimin en belirgin \u00f6zelli\u011fi, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 ad\u0131na konu\u015fma iddias\u0131nda bulunmas\u0131 ama K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek sorunlar\u0131yla y\u00fczle\u015fmemesidir. Uluslararas\u0131 kurumlarda, yerel belediyelerde, k\u00fclt\u00fcr merkezlerinde, medyada veya sivil toplum platformlar\u0131nda K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fiyle temsil edilen bu akt\u00f6rlerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131, halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisine de\u011fil, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n liberal normlar\u0131na uyum sa\u011flamaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Bu noktada Judenratla\u015fma, klasik anlam\u0131yla bir ihanet veya i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik de\u011fil, daha rafine, daha modern, daha \u201cuygar\u201d bir bi\u00e7imde i\u015fler. Yani bu temsilciler do\u011frudan halk\u0131 bast\u0131rmaz, ama halk\u0131n \u00f6fkesini ehlile\u015ftirir, direni\u015fin dilini yumu\u015fat\u0131r, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kavram\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel entegre projelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr<\/p>\n

    \u00d6zellikle medya alan\u0131nda bu durum daha da net g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Avrupa\u2019daki baz\u0131 K\u00fcrt medya organlar\u0131 ve dijital yay\u0131nlar, b\u00fcy\u00fck emek ve \u00e7aba i\u00e7erisinde de olsalar, yarat\u0131c\u0131 k\u0131lamad\u0131lar ve \u00fcretemediler. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n duygusuna hitap etiler ama bilincini geli\u015ftirmediler, e\u011fitim akademilerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015femediler.<\/p>\n

    Bu Judenratla\u015fma bi\u00e7imi, art\u0131k Avrupa\u2019da halk\u0131n zihinsel sahnesini belirleyen temel yap\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burada m\u00fccadele, tanklarla de\u011fil, kelimelerle bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Direni\u015f, temsilin g\u00f6lgesinde unutulur.<\/p>\n

    Ama her yerde oldu\u011fu gibi burada da ayr\u0131m \u015fartt\u0131r. Avrupa\u2019daki t\u00fcm diaspora yap\u0131lar\u0131 ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir. H\u00e2l\u00e2 halkla ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyan, yurtsever \u00e7izgiden sapmam\u0131\u015f, direni\u015fi Avrupa merkezli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kal\u0131plar\u0131na kurban etmeyen \u00e7ok say\u0131da ki\u015fi, yap\u0131 ve kurum vard\u0131r. Ama mesele, bu temiz damarlar\u0131 kurutmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisini i\u00e7eriden bulan\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131ran elitist, konformizm, ilkel milliyet\u00e7i ve liberal K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc zihniyetin te\u015fhir edilmesidir.<\/p>\n

    Judenratl\u0131k burada \u00f6rg\u00fctsel bir form de\u011fil, dola\u015f\u0131mdaki bir ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imi, konumlanma tarz\u0131 ve temsilin i\u00e7eri\u011finden bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ve en \u00e7ok da halktan uzakla\u015fan, konforlu odalarda halk ad\u0131na konu\u015fan, m\u00fccadeleyi s\u00f6ylem alan\u0131nda donduran tutumlarda somutla\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    ROJAVA VE \u0130\u00c7 SABOTAJ B\u0130\u00c7\u0130MLER\u0130,\u00a0 JUDENRATLA\u015eMANIN DEVR\u0130M ALANINDAK\u0130 YEN\u0130 Y\u00dcZLER\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Rojava Devrimi, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcregelen direni\u015f miras\u0131n\u0131n, Mezopotamya\u2019n\u0131n kadim k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ahlaki ve politik birikimiyle bulu\u015ftu\u011fu tarihsel bir k\u0131r\u0131lma noktas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu devrim, sadece askeri ya da siyasi bir iktidar de\u011fi\u015fimi de\u011fil, kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, toplumsal \u00f6zy\u00f6netim, ekolojik ya\u015fam ve demokratik konfederalizm temelinde geli\u015ftirilen ahlaki-politik toplum paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n somut ifadesidir. Ancak bu kadar k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir m\u00fccadele yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015fsal sald\u0131r\u0131larla de\u011fil, daha sinsi ve tehlikeli olan i\u00e7sel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme bi\u00e7imleriyle, yani Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n post-modern tezah\u00fcrleriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Judenratla\u015fma art\u0131k klasik i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik bi\u00e7imlerinin \u00e7ok \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Ku\u015fkusuz i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi, Judenratla\u015fma \u00fczerinden sosyolojik d\u00fczeyde tarif etmek daha da anlamla\u015ft\u0131. Fakat judennratla\u015fma K\u00fcrt ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine ayna tutan bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme bi\u00e7imidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00a0Rojava \u2019da bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, devrimi do\u011frudan hedef almaktan \u00e7ok, onu i\u00e7eriden d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme, yumu\u015fatma, evcille\u015ftirme ve liberalle\u015ftirme \u015feklinde i\u015flemektedir. D\u0131\u015f destekle i\u00e7teki Judenrat temsilcisi olan KDP \u00e7izgisinin b\u00f6lgeye ideolojik n\u00fcfuzu, Arap milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lan devrim sahas\u0131 \u00fczerinde hegemonya kurma \u00e7abas\u0131 ve \u00f6zellikle uluslararas\u0131 koalisyonun devrimci \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fc bast\u0131ran \u201cliberal normalize etme\u201d stratejisi, bu i\u00e7sel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmenin d\u0131\u015fsal ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu d\u0131\u015f etkenlerin yan\u0131nda, devrimin kendi i\u00e7inden geli\u015fen \u00e7e\u015fitli zay\u0131flat\u0131c\u0131 dinamikler de dikkate de\u011ferdir. \u0130ktidarc\u0131l\u0131k, konformizm, koltuk ve temsil aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, devrimi ahlaki-politik d\u00fczeyden y\u00f6netimsel ve pozisyon el d\u00fczeye \u00e7ekmektedir. \u00d6z g\u00fc\u00e7 ve halk iradesinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekirken, \u201crealizm\u201d ad\u0131na yap\u0131lan her taviz, devrimi \u015feklen ayakta tutarken ruhen \u00e7\u00f6kertmektedir. Elde edilen imk\u00e2nlar, devrimin kolektif karakteri yerine bireysel konfor ve g\u00fcvenceye y\u00f6neltilmektedir. Dogmatizm, y\u00fczeysellik, ezbercilik, halk\u0131n i\u00e7sel geli\u015fimini durduran zihniyet bi\u00e7imleri olarak yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Toplumsal devrim yerine kurumsal d\u00fczen, halk\u00e7\u0131 siyaset yerine b\u00fcrokratik prosed\u00fcr \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmakta, ailecilik ve a\u015firet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerinden siyaset ve b\u00fcrokrasiye giri\u015f, halk iradesini yeniden hiyerar\u015fik bir yap\u0131ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektedir. Memurculuk ve brokratizm, kendisini toplumun hizmetinde de\u011fil, \u00fcst\u00fcnde g\u00f6ren bir zihniyeti do\u011furmu\u015f, bu da devrimci \u00f6zveri yerine mevki ve stat\u00fc tutkusunu \u00fcretmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6te yandan, ENKS ve benzeri i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i yap\u0131larla ger\u00e7ek bir ideolojik m\u00fccadele verilmemekte, bunlara kar\u015f\u0131 derinlikli ele\u015ftiri ve halk\u00e7\u0131 siyasal alternatif in\u015fas\u0131 zay\u0131f kalmaktad\u0131r. Bu ise liberal, pragmatist ve sistem i\u00e7i \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlere a\u00e7\u0131k bir\u00a0 kap\u0131 \u00fcretmektedir.<\/p>\n

    Bu tablo, Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n devrim alan\u0131ndaki yeni y\u00fcz\u00fcd\u00fcr. Yani i\u00e7eride halk\u0131n ad\u0131na konu\u015fup halk\u0131n \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc tasfiye eden, sistemin de\u011ferlerini i\u00e7selle\u015ftirmi\u015f, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck iddias\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131sa da pratikte sistemle uyumlu ya\u015fayan ki\u015filik bi\u00e7imlerinin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Oysa Rojava, d\u0131\u015f onayla de\u011fil, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n direni\u015fi, gen\u00e7li\u011fin cesareti, halk\u0131n kolektif eme\u011fi ve \u00d6nderlik paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n yol g\u00f6stericili\u011fiyle var olmu\u015ftur. Bu nedenle, devrimi ger\u00e7ekten savunmak, onun yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fil, ilkelerini, \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve devrimci ahlak\u0131n\u0131 savunmakla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    D\u0130J\u0130TAL JUDENRATLA\u015eMA,\u00a0 ALGI, K\u0130ML\u0130K VE \u00d6ZG\u00dcRL\u00dcK \u00dcZER\u0130NE DER\u0130N B\u0130R Y\u00dcZLE\u015eME<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n jundenratlar\u0131 art\u0131k gettolarda de\u011fil, ekranlardad\u0131r. Eskiden halk\u0131n iradesini bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in fiziki duvarlar, askeri yasaklar ve a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fiddet kullan\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131. Bu g\u00fcn ise bast\u0131rma, dijital platformlarda, ayd\u0131n, yorumcu, analist, siyaset\u00e7i, akademisyen yada aktivist kisvesi alt\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilir. Bu yeni tip Judenrat, sadece sistemin i\u00e7sel temsilcisi de\u011fil, halk\u0131n kafas\u0131nda \u015f\u00fcphe, karars\u0131zl\u0131k ve par\u00e7alanma \u00fcretmenin ustas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Judenratla\u015fma yaln\u0131zca klasik anlamda i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilik de\u011fildir, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde daha karma\u015f\u0131k, daha ideolojik ve \u00e7ok daha tehlikeli bi\u00e7imlerde tezah\u00fcr etmektedir. \u00d6zellikle dijital \u00e7a\u011fda, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte K\u00fcrt, s\u00f6ylemde muhalif ama \u00f6z\u00fcyle sistemin i\u00e7 ta\u015feronlar\u0131 olan bir ku\u015fak \u201ctemsilci\u201d tipi ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar art\u0131k tankla, topla gelmez. Mikrofonla, ekranla, yorumla gelir. Konfor i\u00e7inde ya\u015fay\u0131p halk\u0131 sava\u015fa \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ran bu fig\u00fcrler, halk\u0131n kolektif haf\u0131zas\u0131nda \u2018ayd\u0131n\u2019, \u2018analist\u2019, \u2018K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fc\u2019, \u2018devrim dostu\u2019 gibi kavramlar\u0131n i\u00e7ini bo\u015faltan post-modern Judenrat\u2019lard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu ki\u015filer \u00e7o\u011funlukla Fransa\u2019da, Almanya\u2019da, \u0130sve\u00e7\u2019te, Ankara\u2019da,\u00a0 \u0130stanbul\u2019da, saraylarda ya da g\u00fcney k\u00fcrdistan \u2019da rahat ko\u015fullarda ya\u015farlar ama sosyal medya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kendilerini sanki halk\u0131n saf\u0131nda, hatta m\u00fccadelenin tam merkezindeymi\u015f gibi sunarlar. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde devrimcidirler ama \u00f6z\u00fcyle gerillan\u0131n, halk\u0131n, kad\u0131n\u0131n, eme\u011fin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131rlar. Halk\u0131 hakikatle bulu\u015fturmazlar, \u015f\u00fcpheye bo\u011farlar. Ger\u00e7ekleri s\u00f6ylemek yerine \u00e7arp\u0131tarak sunar, her c\u00fcmleye biraz hakikat, biraz kurgu kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rlar. B\u00f6ylece kitleleri y\u00f6nlendirir, zihinlere \u201cacaba\u201d tohumlar\u0131 ekerler.<\/p>\n

    Kimi zaman \u00d6nderlik hakk\u0131nda yalan-yanl\u0131\u015f bilgiler yayar, \u201c\u00d6calan Ankara\u2019ya geliyor\u201d, \u201c\u00d6calan telefonla Kandil\u2019le g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u201d gibi temelsiz s\u00f6ylentilerle halk\u0131n zihnini kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rlar. Bu s\u00f6ylemlerde maksat, hakikati aramak de\u011fil, ilgiyi kendilerine \u00e7ekmektir. Araya bir iki do\u011fru c\u00fcmle s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p, kalan\u0131yla bilin\u00e7 \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131l\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc halk\u0131n g\u00fcven aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 manip\u00fcle etmek, d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k duygusunu beslemek ve \u00f6z g\u00fcce olan inanc\u0131 k\u0131rmak Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n dijital versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n temel amac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu ki\u015filer hi\u00e7bir risk almazlar, m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde ya\u015famazlar ama dijital platformlarda sanki m\u00fccadeleyi onlar y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyormu\u015f gibi davran\u0131rlar. Bu da K\u00fcrt halk\u0131nda sahte bir bilin\u00e7 \u00fcretir. M\u00fccadele verenin de\u011fil, konu\u015fan\u0131n hakl\u0131 oldu\u011fu bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr yarat\u0131l\u0131r. Konu\u015fanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu sistemin onay verdi\u011fi alanda gezinir, ne \u00e7ok radikal olurlar ne de tamamen d\u00fc\u015fman g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrler. \u0130\u015fte Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n en tehlikeli hali budur, ne tam dost, ne a\u00e7\u0131k d\u00fc\u015fman. Arada kal\u0131p i\u00e7eriden \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten bir pozisyondur.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6zellikle uluslararas\u0131 koalisyonlar\u0131n destek\u00e7ili\u011fi alt\u0131nda, liberalizmin diliyle konu\u015fan \u00e7evreler Rojava gibi devrimci alanlara bile n\u00fcfuz etmi\u015ftir. Burada ihanet a\u00e7\u0131k de\u011fil, ince bi\u00e7imde, \u201cdestek\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7izgisi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr ama kad\u0131n\u0131n karar g\u00fcc\u00fcne dokunulmaz. Kom\u00fcnal ekonomi anlat\u0131l\u0131r ama uygulamada kariyerizm egemen olur. Meclisler savunulur ama b\u00fcrokrasi in\u015fa edilir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck s\u00f6ylemi kullan\u0131l\u0131r ama sistemin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda kal\u0131n\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, bir zihniyet rejimini, yani dijital Judenratla\u015fmay\u0131 tan\u0131mlar.<\/p>\n

    Bireysel konforu halk\u0131n iradesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne koyan, halk\u0131 temsilen konu\u015fup halk\u0131n \u00f6z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinden uzak duran her yakla\u015f\u0131m bu zihniyetin par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ki\u015filer ekranlardan d\u00fc\u015fmeyerek g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck kazan\u0131r ama direni\u015fin \u00f6z\u00fcne katk\u0131 sunmazlar. Direni\u015fi bir performansa, m\u00fccadeleyi bir temsil oyununa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcrler. Ger\u00e7ekten halkla ya\u015fayan, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131kla direnen, emek veren kadrolar g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r, onlar\u0131n yerine s\u00f6zde yorumcular, analizciler ve sosyal medya kahramanlar\u0131 halk\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bir di\u011fer \u00f6nemli bi\u00e7im, K\u00fcrt\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck maskesi alt\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen ulus-devlet\u00e7i y\u00f6nelimdir. K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n kuruldu\u011fu, ABD\u2019nin destekledi\u011fi, \u0130srail\u2019in yard\u0131m etti\u011fi gibi iddialarla halk\u0131n duygular\u0131 k\u00f6p\u00fcrt\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ancak y\u00f6n sosyalizme, halk meclislerine, kad\u0131n devrimine, \u00f6z g\u00fcce de\u011fil , do\u011frudan kapitalist modernitenin etnik partnerli\u011fine evrilir. Bu tarz milliyet\u00e7ilik, halk\u0131n \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmser, halk\u0131 demokratik konfederalizm \u00e7izgisinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r, devlete eklemler. Tuhaf bir K\u00fcrt sosyolojisi tiplemesi geli\u015fir, hem milliyet\u00e7idir hem de d\u0131\u015fa k\u00f6k olarak ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Judenratla\u015fman\u0131n dijital bi\u00e7imleri sadece sistemsel de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ki\u015fisel ego performanslar\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn sosyal medya bir\u00e7ok ki\u015fi i\u00e7in halkla bulu\u015fma de\u011fil, kendini pazarlama alan\u0131na d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Be\u011feni ve takip\u00e7i u\u011fruna m\u00fccadele estetize edilir, eylem yerini yorumculu\u011fa b\u0131rak\u0131r. Egonun y\u00fckseldi\u011fi yerde kolektif olan bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Halk\u00e7\u0131 olan yerine entel vitrin, \u00f6z \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme yerine panel a\u011flar\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc s\u00f6ylem yerine medya g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ge\u00e7er. Bunlar i\u00e7sel tatminsizli\u011fini halk \u00fczerinde gideren, devrimin dilini \u00e7al\u0131p sistemin propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yapan bu dijital manip\u00fclat\u00f6rlerdir. Bu, toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tabloyu anlamak i\u00e7in Judenrat kavram\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca tarihsel bir referans olarak de\u011fil, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u00e7sel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 kavramsal bir uyar\u0131 \u00e7an\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmek gerekir. Judenratl\u0131k sadece bir ki\u015finin kimli\u011fi de\u011fil, oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015flevidir. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7in bug\u00fcn en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdit d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman kadar, i\u00e7eride halk ad\u0131na konu\u015fan ama halk\u0131n iradesini sistemin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren bu fig\u00fcrlerdir.<\/p>\n

    Bu nedenle dijital alanda y\u00fcr\u00fcyen bu \u00f6zel sava\u015f bi\u00e7imine kar\u015f\u0131 ideolojik donan\u0131m, kolektif bilin\u00e7, dayan\u0131\u015fma disiplini ve halkla do\u011frudan ba\u011f\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131 esas olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Aksi takdirde m\u00fccadele eden d\u0131\u015fsal bask\u0131lardan de\u011fil, i\u00e7sel olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeden bo\u011fulur. Ger\u00e7ekte, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca tank de\u011fil, mikrofonu da test etmeyi gerektiriyor. Ger\u00e7ek Judenrat, halk ad\u0131na konu\u015furken halk\u0131n teslimidir. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi tan\u0131madan, hakikatin yolu a\u00e7\u0131lamaz.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    SONU\u00c7 VE \u00c7IKI\u015e, JUDENRATLA\u015eMAYA KAR\u015eI AHLAK\u0130-POL\u0130T\u0130K D\u0130REN\u0130\u015e VE DEMOKRAT\u0130K TOPLUMUN \u0130N\u015eASI<\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

    Judenratla\u015fma, yaln\u0131zca bir ger\u00e7ek anomali de\u011fil, modern s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin halklar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7indeki en derin ve y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imdir. Bu ki\u015filerin, insanlar\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131da de\u011fil, i\u00e7eriden, temsil ad\u0131na, uyum ad\u0131na, kimlik sembolleri \u00fczerinden ki\u015filerin. En g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan\u0131, tankla de\u011fil, temsille gelir. En kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, yetene\u011fi de\u011fil, onayla i\u015fler. Bu nedenle Judenratl\u0131k, yaln\u0131zca ihanetin de\u011fil, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck iddias\u0131 alt\u0131nda teslimiyetin, halk ad\u0131na konu\u015farak halk\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc t\u00fcketmenin ad\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 i\u00e7in en b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadele yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, i\u00e7teki bu \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmeye, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcme ve ideolojik teslimiyete kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmelidir. Barzanici aile tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcnden Avrupa’daki elitist temsili hen\u00fcz dayanamam\u0131\u015f, hukuk siyaseti Temel sistemi\u00e7ile\u015fmeden, Rojava’daki vitrin sel deste\u011fine, pop\u00fclizm ve liberal bi\u00e7imlere kadar pek \u00e7ok alanda Judenratla\u015fma bir rejimin rejimine tabi tutulmu\u015ftur. Bu rejim, sistemin ta\u015feronu gibi \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn de\u011fi\u015fiminin i\u00e7ini bo\u015falt\u0131r, i\u00e7indeki \u00f6fkesini sistemle uyumlu kanallara y\u00f6nlendirir, devrimin damarlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fini keser.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    Bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme engellerinin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n yolu nettir, temel-politik direni\u015f \u00e7izgisini yeniden in\u015fa etmek. Bu \u00e7izgi, yaln\u0131zca ideolojik bir tercih de\u011fil, toplumsal varolu\u015fun kendisidir. Ancak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hakikatin diliyle, halk\u0131n \u00f6z g\u00fcc\u00fcyle, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n deste\u011fiyle ve ya\u015fam alan\u0131nda her alanda e\u015fit kurulacak, dayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 ve adil ili\u015fkilerle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu nedenle direni\u015f art\u0131k sadece d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, sahte temsile, i\u00e7i konforculu\u011fa, entelekt\u00fcel yabanc\u0131la\u015fmaya ve ideolojik kirlili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 da direndi.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    Art\u0131k K\u00fcrt kimin oldu\u011fu de\u011fil, kimin halk i\u00e7in hangi i\u015flevi yerine getirilmi\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kimlik, bir biyolojik ya da ger\u00e7ekte veri de\u011fil, politik bir durma, ya\u015famsal bir tercihtir. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, yaln\u0131zca sloganlarda de\u011fil, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmemi\u015f, ya\u015fam kesilmeli, toplumsal payla\u015f\u0131mlarda g\u00f6r\u00fcnmelidir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

    K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 bug\u00fcn yeni bir e\u015fikte durmaktad\u0131r. Ya i\u00e7 ayr\u0131l\u0131kla y\u00fczle\u015fecek, sahte temsilin b\u00fcy\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc bozacak, Judenratla\u015fmay\u0131 tan\u0131mlayarak b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f-politik toplumu yeniden kuracak ya da y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 do\u011fu\u015ftan normalle\u015ftirecek ve sistem par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelecektir. Bu tercih yaln\u0131zca siyasal de\u011fil, varolu\u015fsal bir tercihtir.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

            HAKKI TEK\u0130N K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r ink\u00e2r, asimilasyon ve imha politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 direnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Onun yeni y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131, daha inceltilmi\u015f, daha sinsi ama daha kurumsal bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikle K\u00fcrtleri y\u00fczle\u015ftirdi. Bu bask\u0131y\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmak i\u00e7in hep \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik\u201d y\u00f6ntemine ba\u015fvurduk. Elbette bu kavramsal olarak \u00f6nemliydi. Ancak ilerleyen saatlerde hen\u00fcz ba\u015flamamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc f\u0131rsatlar sadece d\u0131\u015fsal bir …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[45],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1474","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-makale"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1474","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1474"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1474\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1478,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1474\/revisions\/1478"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1474"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1474"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1474"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}