{"id":1331,"date":"2024-10-18T09:00:01","date_gmt":"2024-10-18T09:00:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/?p=1331"},"modified":"2024-10-18T09:00:01","modified_gmt":"2024-10-18T09:00:01","slug":"turk-fars-egemen-fetihciligine-karsi-kurt-ve-arap-ittifaki","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/turk-fars-egemen-fetihciligine-karsi-kurt-ve-arap-ittifaki\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrk-fars egemen fetih\u00e7ili\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrt ve Arap ittifak\u0131."},"content":{"rendered":"<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif; color: #008000;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><b>T\u00fcrk-fars egemen fetih\u00e7ili\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrt ve Arap ittifak\u0131.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Ortado\u011fu\u2019da fars ve T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi (imparatorluk hevesleri) \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde yay\u0131lmac\u0131 siyasetlerini art\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Son bin y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7te Ortado\u011fu co\u011frafyas\u0131nda halklara d\u00f6n\u00fck tasfiye s\u00fcre\u00e7leri bu fetih\u00e7i zihniyetler taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Avrupa merkezli geli\u015fen ulus-devlet sistemleri kendini t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyaya yayarken Ortado\u011fu dokusuna ters bir model olsa da egemen olan hanedanlar, hakim kavimcilik ekseninde sisteme ge\u00e7i\u015f yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu sebeple Egemen zihniyete dayal\u0131 olan fars ve T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi bu s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde modern s\u00fcrece ge\u00e7i\u015f yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Kurulan ulus-devletlerin, hegemon g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ili\u015fkileri gere\u011fi bir s\u00fcre modernle\u015fme ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bir ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcreci ya\u015fasalar da fetih\u00e7i-talanc\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015flerine \u00f6zlem ve tutkular\u0131 hi\u00e7 bitmemi\u015ftir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">D\u00fcnya d\u00fczleminde ister k\u00fcresel ister b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 dengeleri de\u011fi\u015fimine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak f\u0131rsat bulduklar\u0131 anda egemenlik\u00e7i fetih\u00e7i \u00f6zlerine, ger\u00e7ekliklerine d\u00f6nme duru\u015flar\u0131ndan geri kalmam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu fetih\u00e7i ve hakim zihniyetler, ba\u015fta kendi toplumsall\u0131klar\u0131 olmak \u00fczere K\u00fcrt ve Arap topraklar\u0131na s\u00fcrekli g\u00f6z dikmi\u015f yay\u0131lma alanlar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Bundan dolay\u0131 merkezi hegemon g\u00fc\u00e7lerin Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde veya dengelerin olu\u015ftu\u011fu d\u00f6nemlerden faydalanarak niyetlerini belli eden ad\u0131mlar atm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Son yirmi y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7te bu durumlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartan \u00f6rneklerle doludur. Arap bahar\u0131yla birlikte bu egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyetler yay\u0131lmac\u0131l\u0131k politikalar\u0131na h\u0131z verdikleri g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Irak ve g\u00fcney k\u00fcrdistanda ba\u015flamak \u00fczere, L\u00fcbnan, yemen, s\u00fcriye, bahren ve Filistin\u2019e kadar \u015eii mezhebine mensup topluluklar\u0131n hakim oldu\u011fu alanlarda i\u00e7 politikada h\u00e2kimiyetlerini sa\u011flanarak oyun kurucu haline gelirken, \u015eia ve alevi n\u00fcfusunun az oldu\u011fu Arap \u00fclkelerinde oyun bozucu, k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131, par\u00e7alay\u0131c\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131tla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 ve provaka eden bir y\u00f6ntem kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. El at\u0131lan t\u00fcm alanlarda dini, mezhep\u00e7i ve radikal kimlikli siyasi organizasyonlar olu\u015fturarak Arap \u00fclkelerin i\u00e7 siyasetlerini, d\u0131\u015f siyasetlerini ve konumlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi egemenlik\u00e7i fetih\u00e7i zihniyetine g\u00f6re kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 bilmi\u015ftir. Egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyet kavram\u0131 hakim s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r fars ve T\u00fcrkiye halklar\u0131 stratejik ittifak d\u00fczeyinde olan toplumlard\u0131r.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Fars fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik siyasi konseptleri i\u015fgal, ilhak ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00fczeyinde olmu\u015ftur. Bundan dolay\u0131 k\u00fcrdistan co\u011frafyas\u0131 s\u00fcrekli fars fetih\u00e7ili\u011fin hedefi olmu\u015ftur. Bin y\u0131ld\u0131r ilhak ve i\u015fgal etti\u011fi k\u00fcrdistan topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutmas\u0131 i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapm\u0131\u015f ba\u015fka \u00e7\u0131kar alanlar\u0131nda ise T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fiyle rekabet i\u00e7ine giri\u015fmi\u015ftir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Son d\u00f6nemlerde K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fal toplum haklar\u0131n\u0131 kazanmalar\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in bir yandan T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7isiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi, di\u011fer yandan \u0131rak ve Suriye\u2019de \u015eii ve S\u00fcnni iktidar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla K\u00fcrt ve Arap topraklar\u0131n\u0131 sahip olmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in hakimiyet sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 vermektedirler. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">T\u00fcrk egemen fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi ise, farslarla elman\u0131n iki y\u00fcz\u00fc gibi bir siyaset y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Kendi co\u011frafyas\u0131nda K\u00fcrtleri bir tehlike olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde fars fetih\u00e7ili\u011fiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi, d\u0131\u015farda ise, Arap ve K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131lma, i\u015fgal ve ilhak alan\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinden dolay\u0131 rekabet i\u00e7ine girmi\u015fleridir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Arap bahar\u0131yla birlikte hem yeni rejimi in\u015fa a\u015famas\u0131 s\u00fcreci h\u0131zlanm\u0131\u015f hem de Osmanl\u0131 hevesleri depre\u015fen T\u00fcrk hakim fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi devlet y\u00f6netimini otoriter ve diktat\u00f6ryel bir sisteme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek ihvanc\u0131 \u00e7izginin ba\u015f akt\u00f6r\u00fc rol\u00fcne b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Burada g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi gereken ger\u00e7eklik, T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi yeni bir devlet ve yeni bir rejim sistemi in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir. T\u00fcrkl\u00fck esaslar\u0131na dayal\u0131 T\u00fcrk \u0130slam sentezini g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. S\u00fcnni ve paramiriter radikal \u0130slam \u00e7eteleri bu yeni rejim in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n ruhu ve bedeni olarak \u015fekillendirilmi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle Bu sistemde K\u00fcrtlere ve halklara yer yoktur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi cihadist \u00e7izgi paralelinde S\u00fcnni mezhep\u00e7ili\u011fine dayal\u0131 yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalarla son on y\u0131lda b\u00f6lgeyi mezbahaya \u00e7evirmi\u015flerdir. Ba\u015fta Suriye, rojava, g\u00fcney k\u00fcrdistan, \u0131rak, Libya, m\u0131s\u0131r ve Afrika gibi yerlerde bu politikalar\u0131 geli\u015ftirirken, Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde dai\u015f arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kanl\u0131 eylemler d\u00fczenlenmi\u015ftir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Ba\u015fta Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun kadim halk\u0131 olan K\u00fcrt, Arap ve di\u011fer halklar\u0131n ba\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle egemen T\u00fcrk ve fars fetih\u00e7i (imparator \u00f6zlemleri) zihniyeti oldu\u011fu ortadad\u0131r. Bu iki egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyet zay\u0131flayan stat\u00fckocu e\u011filimlerini tekrardan b\u00f6lgede canland\u0131rmak i\u00e7in bir aray\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Fars egemen zihniyeti ve \u0131rak egemenleri, T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7i zihniyet ve \u0131rak egemenleri yeni paktlar kurduklar\u0131 bilinmektedir. Suriye baas rejimiyle ayn\u0131 ama\u00e7la bir pakt giri\u015fimleri bulunarak b\u00f6lge stat\u00fckoculu\u011funu tekrardan \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek istemektedirler. Bu s\u00fcrece \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden egemen T\u00fcrk ve Fars fetih\u00e7ileri olmu\u015ftur. Bu iki egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyet, ba\u015fta K\u00fcrt sorunu olmak \u00fczere kendi toplumsal sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmedikleri gibi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcmden ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu politikalarla var olan ba\u015fta K\u00fcrt sorunu olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer temel sorunlar\u0131 merkezi hegemon sistemin y\u00f6n\u00fcne do\u011fru itmi\u015flerdir. T\u00fcm \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u0131srarlar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, birlikte demokrasi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler temelinde ya\u015fama stratejisini ret etmi\u015flerdir. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci, i\u015fgalci olan egemen zihniyetlerin \u00f6n\u00fcnde iki se\u00e7enek bulunmaktad\u0131r. Ya ba\u015fta K\u00fcrt sorunu olmak \u00fczere temel toplumsal sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 demokratik ulus temelinde bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme gelirler yada b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcp par\u00e7alanacaklard\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Bu iki fetih\u00e7i zihniyet Arap ve K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyas\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131 i\u00e7in halklar\u0131 kurban ederek ama\u00e7lar\u0131na ula\u015fmak istemektedirler. Ne \u0131rakta ne Suriye\u2019de ne Filistin\u2019de ne L\u00fcbnan da ne Libya\u2019da \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, a\u00e7l\u0131k-yoksulluk, g\u00f6\u00e7ler, istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k \u00f6l\u00fcm ve katliamlar hi\u00e7 eksik olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu alanlarda geli\u015fmesi muhtemel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engeller bu egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyetler olmu\u015ftur. Bu g\u00fcn L\u00fcbnan ve Filistin\u2019de geli\u015fen \u0130sraillin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etti\u011fi soyk\u0131r\u0131m siyaseti bu iki fetih\u00e7i zihniyetin iteklemesi ve provokasyonuyla yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hamas\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iren bu g\u00fc\u00e7ler olmu\u015ftur. L\u00fcbnan, Filistin ve Suriye halklar\u0131n\u0131n katliamdan ge\u00e7mesi bu fetih\u00e7i zihniyetlerin y\u00f6nlendirmesidir. Bu ger\u00e7eklik net olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeli ve de\u011ferlendirmelidir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><a name=\"_GoBack\"><\/a><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">T\u00fcrk ve fars egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyetler bu nedenle \u0130srail ve Arap \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden en \u00e7ok faydalanan g\u00fc\u00e7ler olmu\u015ftur. Kurulduklar\u0131ndan bu yana Arap ve \u0130srail ili\u015fkileri hep gergin ve bir birini yok etme \u00fczerinden \u015fekillendi\u011fi bilinmektedir. Son d\u00f6nemlerde \u0130srail ve Araplar \u0130brahim antla\u015fmas\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bir antla\u015fma yapt\u0131lar. Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde Arap-\u0130srail ili\u015fkisi g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kadar\u0131yla bir \u00e7ok kurulu dengeyi alt \u00fcst etmi\u015ftir. \u015eimdi Arap ve \u0130srailler i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk ve fars imparator hevesleri bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Hamas\u0131n 7 ekim sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n temelinde bu ger\u00e7eklik yatmaktad\u0131r. Bat\u0131n\u0131n \u0130srail \u00fczerinden sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak geli\u015fmektedir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">So\u011fuk sava\u015ftan kalma \u015eia ve S\u00fcnni mezhep dengesi bu yeni d\u00f6nemde yeni sistemin temelleri aras\u0131nda olmayaca\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Yeni d\u00f6nemde radikal \u0130slam ve \u015fiac\u0131l\u0131k tasfiye edilecektir. Siyasi \u0130slam Arap bahar\u0131ndan sonra te\u015fhir olup g\u00fc\u00e7 kaybederken, \u015fiac\u0131l\u0131k 7 ekimden sonra g\u00fc\u00e7 kaybetti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Geli\u015fen bu yeni s\u00fcre\u00e7ler halklar lehine, sistem kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 birimlere yeni alanlar\u0131n a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmek gerekir. \u0130\u015fte bu yeni d\u00f6nemde K\u00fcrt ve Arap halk\u0131 \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131na dayanan demokratik konfederal sistem zemini ve imkan\u0131 do\u011fmaktad\u0131r. Bu geli\u015fmeler Ortado\u011fu dengelerini de\u011fi\u015ftirip, stat\u00fckoculu\u011fu par\u00e7alayabilecek bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak geli\u015fim g\u00f6stermesi muhtemeldir. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Kuzey ve do\u011fu Suriye devriminden sonra K\u00fcrt ve Arap halklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda giderek ortak ruh, ortak ya\u015fam ve ortak gelecek dolay\u0131s\u0131yla g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011flarla bir yak\u0131nla\u015fma e\u011filimi geli\u015fmektedir. K\u00fcrt ve Arap \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131 giderek kalkmakta g\u00fcvene dayal\u0131 ortak bir kimlik geli\u015fmektedir. Kuzey do\u011fu Suriye\u2019de halklar\u0131n ortak kimlik etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmeleri, Ortado\u011fu K\u00fcrt Arap birli\u011fi i\u00e7in bir model olarak geli\u015fme g\u00f6stermesi stratejik d\u00fczeydedir. Bunun en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ibaresi her iki egemen fetih\u00e7i zihniyetin ve egemen baas zihniyetini de yanlar\u0131na alarak deyrazor, minbi\u00e7, Rakka vb yerlerde geli\u015ftirmek istedikleri K\u00fcrt ve Arap \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 politikalar ve provokasyonlara ra\u011fmen bir birini tercih eden Arap ve K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Ayn\u0131 d\u00fczeyde T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7i zihniyetin paramiriter g\u00fcc\u00fc olan dai\u015f \u00e7izgisi ve tek\u00e7i zihniyete dayal\u0131 baas rejimine kar\u015f\u0131 halklar\u0131n ortak m\u00fccadelesiyle hakim zihniyetlerin geriletmesi ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na ortakla\u015fman\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc zemini olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. Bu ortak ruhu par\u00e7alamak isteyen yine bu fetih\u00e7i zihniyettirler. Fars fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi baas rejimi \u00fczerinden, T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011finin radikal gruplar \u00fczerinden engellemesi olmasayd\u0131 Suriye ve di\u011fer sorunlar bu hale gelmeden \u00e7oktan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olabilirdi. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\">Arap-K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n istenildi\u011fi d\u00fczeyde Ortado\u011fu \u00e7ap\u0131nda \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyinde ittifak i\u00e7inde olmamalar\u0131 ve di\u011fer halklar\u0131 kapsamamas\u0131 nedeniyle T\u00fcrk ve Fars fetih\u00e7ili\u011finin i\u015fgal, ilhak ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci tarzda yay\u0131lma zemini olmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu par\u00e7al\u0131 duru\u015f Arap ve K\u00fcrt co\u011frafyalar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131k hale getirdi\u011fi gibi ortakla\u015fmalar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde en b\u00fcy\u00fck engeldirler. \u0130ran\u0131n \u00e7oklu k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve halklar\u0131na , Anadolu \u00e7oklu k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve inan\u00e7lara, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ortado\u011fu halklar\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fit, \u00f6zg\u00fcr ili\u015fkiler temelinde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ittifaklar geli\u015ftirilmesi gerekmektedir. Arap ve \u0130srail \u0130brahim antla\u015fmas\u0131 nas\u0131l ki so\u011fuk sava\u015ftan kalma denge ve stat\u00fckoculu\u011funun y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na ki bu g\u00fcn daha net bu g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir, zemin sunmu\u015f ise, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc \u00e7izgiyi koruyarak cephele\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde girmeden, K\u00fcrt ve Arap ittifak\u0131yla halklara \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etme s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde yer almas\u0131 t\u00fcm dengeleri derinden sarsacak kapasiteye sahiptir. Egemen olan Fars ve T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda mevcut \u015fartlarda d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde var olan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin K\u00fcrt Arap dolay\u0131s\u0131yla halklar\u0131n ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fmesinde rahats\u0131z olma ihtimalide bulunmamaktad\u0131r. <\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span style=\"font-family: Calibri, serif;\"><span lang=\"tr-TR\"><span style=\"font-size: small;\"><b>Kuzey do\u011fu Suriye sosyal bilim akademi \u00fcyesi hakk\u0131 tekin.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<p dir=\"ltr\">\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>T\u00fcrk-fars egemen fetih\u00e7ili\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131, K\u00fcrt ve Arap ittifak\u0131. Ortado\u011fu\u2019da fars ve T\u00fcrk fetih\u00e7ili\u011fi (imparatorluk hevesleri) \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde yay\u0131lmac\u0131 siyasetlerini art\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Son bin y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7te Ortado\u011fu co\u011frafyas\u0131nda halklara d\u00f6n\u00fck tasfiye s\u00fcre\u00e7leri bu fetih\u00e7i zihniyetler taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Avrupa merkezli geli\u015fen ulus-devlet sistemleri kendini t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyaya yayarken Ortado\u011fu dokusuna ters bir model olsa da egemen olan &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1203,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[45],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1331","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-makale"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1331","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1331"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1331\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1332,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1331\/revisions\/1332"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1203"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1331"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1331"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/zanistencivaki.org\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1331"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}